4P Li gç(' TRANSACTIONS

4P Li gç(' 

TRANSACTIONS 

OF THE 

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY 

HELD AT PHILADELPHIA 

FOR PROMOTING USEFUL KNOWLEDGE 

NEW SERIES—VOLUME 47, PART 5 

1957 

MAISTRE NICOLE ORESME: 

LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE 

Critical Edition of the French Text from the Avranches Manuscript 

with the Original Latin Version, 

Introduction and English Translation 

ALBERT DOUGLAS MENUT 

Professor of Romance Languages, Syracuse University 

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY 

INDEPENDENCE SQUARE 

PHILADELPHIA 6 

DECEMBER, 1957 

Docu me lit 

111111111111111111111111111111 

0000005229468

Copyright © 1957 by The American Philosophical Society 

Library of Congress Catalog 

Card No. 57-12783

The publication of this edition of the Livre de Yconomique 

marks the conclusion of the third stage of a 

project formulated several years ago. It seemed desirable 

to provide the scholarly world with readily accessible 

modern editions of Nicole Oresme's fourteenthcentury 

commented translations of four treatises from 

the Mediaeval Latin Aristotle for Charles V of France. 

Accordingly, the Lhre de Ethiques appeared in 1940, 

followed in 1943 by the Livre du cici et du monde (with 

the invaluable collaboration of Rev. Dr. A. J . Denomy). 

The Livre de Politiques, now in preparation, will complete 

the project. The editor entertains the hope that 

these editions may serve as useful primary sources of 

information for scholars engaged in the interpretation of 

the history of ideas as well as for those principally concerned 

with the evolution of the French language. 

Since the Yconomique is small in volume, it has 

proven feasible to include an English rendering en 

regard with the French text, for the convenience of 

readers who may find Oresme's Middle French sometimes 

perplexing. For those who desire to compare 

Oresme's translation with the principal Mediaeval Latin 

version, the latter has been inserted as an Appendix. In 

order to avoid a great accumulation of footnotes, the 

PREFACE 

783 

sources of the numerous quotations found in the glosses 

have been indicated in brackets in the English text. If 

the editor has skimped somewhat in his treatment of 

the language of the Yconornique, this is because a 

thorough airing of this aspect of Oresme's French writings 

is contemplated for the projected edition of the 

Politiques. 

The editor wishes to thank the American Philosophical 

Society, whose generous grants-in-aid made 

his preliminary research possible and under whose 

auspices this work is published. To his colleagues at 

Syracuse University, Professors Dean W. McPheeters 

and Thomas W. Dickson, he is indebted for their careful 

checking of his original draft. Professor Jules 

Bogen, of New York University, and Professor Theodore 

Suranyi-Unger, of Syracuse University, distinguished 

authorities on economic history, have given assistance 

by clarifying the meaning of several technical 

terms occurring in the text. The editor is especially 

grateful to his wife, whose help was often demanded and 

whose patience never failed. 

Syracuse, N. Y 

February, 1957 

A. D. M.

MAISTRE NICOLE ORESME: LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE 

CONTENTS 

ALBERT DOUGLAS MENUT 

PAGE 

Introduction 

I. Definition ....................................... 785 

II. taxonomy ...................................... 785 

III, The Greek and Latin Oecononica ................. 786 

IV. Le Livrc de Yconomique 

1. The translator, Nicole Oresme ............... 788 

2. The translation and the commentary ......... . 792 

3. Fortunes of Le Livre de Ycononiiqne ........ . 799 

4. Vocabulary of Le Livre dc Ycono,niqnc ...... . 801 

5. The manuscript copies and the printed edition of 

1489 ........................................ 802 

V. References ...................................... 805 

Maistre Nicole Oresme: Lc Livre de Yconomique, with 

parallel English translation ........................... 807 

Textual emendations and variant readings ................ 848 

Appendix: The Latin version of the liconomics, by William 

of Moerheke (1267) .................................. 849 

Index to proper names .................................. 853 

INTRODUCTION 

1. DEFINITION 

Le Livre de Yconowique is the earliest version in a 

modern tongue of the first and third of the three Rooks 

or chapters which constitute the short Greek treatise 

commonly called Aristotle's Economics. To the Greeks, 

who created the term, economics meant no more than 

the study of family economy or the management of a 

household or an estate. If we compare this meaning 

with our use of the word today, it is obvious that the 

ever-expanding science of economics has long since 

outgrown the limited field of investigation implied by 

the etymology of its name. Yet for many centuries the 

extension of its area of interest was almost imperceptible. 

With only minor accretions, the subject matter of economics 

remained virtually unchanged until the late 

Renaissance. The study of the function of money, for 

example, was held to lie within the province of political 

science because money was issued by the ruler of the 

state, and commerce, regulated by the prince or ruler, 

was likewise treated as a branch of statecraft. The 

precedent for this procedure was established in Aristotle's 

Politics, Book I, where the Prince of Philosophers 

gives passing notice to the invention of money and the 

creation of wealth through the exchange of goods. With 

the rise of a strong national consciousness in the sixteenth 

centur y , a few perceptive minds became increasingly 

aware of the problems of aggregate social wealth 

in contrast to individual wealth and well-being. Gradually 

there arose the basic division of modern economics 

into two divergent fields of study: political economy 

(macro-economics) and domestic economy (micro-eco- 

785 

nomics). Despite their close inner relationship, each 

division has achieved its own autonomy and its own 

unique development.' 

For our present concern, it is important to observe 

that, among the English-speaking peoples, the science of 

political economy is today almost universally called 

economics, alone and unmodified. The expression domestic 

economy has also dropped out of use as its various 

sub-divisions—domestic science, home economics, 

rural economics, business administration, etc.—have become 

compartmentalized and have replaced in the public 

mind all memory of the older and more general field of 

knowledge from which, historically, they sprang. This 

semantic development, relatively recent, makes it advisable 

to Preface any discussion of pre-Renaissance 

economics with a caveat to the reader. In the pages 

that follow we shall be concerned with the unadulterated 

etymological economics of the ancient and mediaeval 

world—family economy or more precisely, the regulation 

and orderly administration of a family household 

or estate. 

11. TAXONOMY 

The pseudo-Aristotelian Economics, of which our 

French text is a partial translation, belongs to that 

category of literature which is called didactic. Its purpose 

is to instruct or edify and its center of interest is 

man the worker rather than man the thinker or dreamer. 

In the Old Testament the so-called Books of Wisdom 

are replete with precepts for daily living—indeed, it was 

to these wisdom books that the tnediaeval Christian 

scholars turned most frequently in their search for 

theological parallels with which to justify and buttress 

the teachings of the pagan philosophers. In Western 

letters the prototype of didactic literature is Hesiod's 

Works and da ys, quoted frequently by Aristotle and 

prophetic of the later course of Greek civilization. We 

can follow the line of descent of this particular division 

of didactic literature dealing with the family and the 

household in such works as Xenophon's Oeconomicus, 

Vergil's Georgics, the various prose treatises on agriculture 

by the Latin writers—Cato, Varro, Columella, 

Palladius, and many passages in Pliny's Natural history. 

Such works seek to establish rules of order and regularity 

in the prosaic, everyday activities of men in pursuit 

of the means of material existence. By reason of 

their subject matter, they are generally unromantic, 

soberly practical and heavily preceptive. Hesiod, for 

1 On the evolution of economies, cf. J . A. Schumpeter, History 

of economic analysis, New York, Oxford Univ. Press, 1954. 

Like most historians of the subject, Schumpeter pays little attention 

to the vast literature of family economy. No satisfactory 

chronological study of this field exists at present.

786 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

example, admonishes his brother in Homeric verse to 

seek wealth and prosperity through diligent work—"Between 

us and success the gods have placed the sweat of 

our brows" 2 —through just dealings with one's neighbors, 

by apportioning the tasks of the household around 

the calendar of the seasons, by marrying before thirty 

and living righteously by propitiating the gods. Xenophon, 

disciple of Socrates and friend of Plato, enlivened 

his discussion of the household arts, as practised 

in fourth-century Greece, by his masterly use of the 

dialogue form. ,' The style of our Economics is severely 

analytical and expository, rarely adorned with illustrative 

examples. Although a warm human sympathy can 

be sensed in the section dealing with the husband-wife 

relationship, the text adheres closely to the scientific 

objective of the writer, whose model was certainly 

Aristotle, the master of the expository style. 

During the Dark Ages, the production of new works 

on household economy languished almost to the vanishing 

point. The instructions for planting of seeds in a 

monastery garden, the Hortulus written about 840 by 

the German monk \Valafrid Straho, is a shining exception 

to the rule. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 

a revival of interest in rural economy on the great 

feudal estates gave rise to several treatises on the management 

of these large properties. The thirteenth-century 

Anglo-Norman treatise on husbandry by Walter of 

Henley is the earliest work of its kind in a modern language. 

The fortunes of Pietro Crescenzi's Duodecim 

libri ruralium conunodorum, written about 1300, were 

distinctly better; its reputation was sufficiently great to 

recommend it to Charles V of France for translation into 

French (1370). Under two titles, Le Livre des prouffits 

champestres ci rurcudx and Le Livre appellé Rustican 

du champ de labeur, it was widely disseminated in manuscript 

before it was printed in 1486. Its popularity continued 

for another half-century and a revised edition 

appeared in Paris in 1560. The first original French 

work on family economy was Le bon berger, written 

about 1375 by Jean de Brie; this work enjoyed popular 

favor for two centuries and was frequently reprinted. 

Very similar in every respect save style is La Somme 

rurale by Jean Boutillier (1380), which Vérard published 

in Paris in 1491. The principal theme of Le 

Livre du chevalier de 1cm Tour-Landry pour l'enseignenient 

de ses flUes (1371) is the duty of the wife to her 

husband, and the husband-wife relationship is likewise 

the major concern of the anonymous author of Le 

Ménagier de Paris (1393). This revival of interest in 

economics among the French suffered a sharp decline in 

the fifteenth century; no important work appeared in 

French until 1564, when Charles Estienne published his 

2 Hesiod, Works and days, ed. with parallel English translation 

by H. G. Evelyn-White, line 289, Loeb Classical Library, 

Harvard Univ. Press, 1936. 

Xenophon, Memorabilia and Oeconomicus, ed. with parallel 

English translation by E. C. Marchant, Loeb Classical Library, 

London, Heineniann, 1923. 

Maison rustique; originally composed in Latin, the 

French edition was often reprinted until 1702. In the 

meantime, the Italian Humanists had produced several 

original treatises on the subject, the best known being 

Alberti's Della. Famiglia (1445), which circulated in 

French and German translations throughout the sixteenth 

century. Of all the works we have named above, 

only Alberti's shows definite indebtedness to the Economnics 

attributed to Aristotle .4 

III. THE GREEK AND LATIN OECONOMICzI 

The history of this pseudo-Aristotelian treatise is 

both curious and involved. The Greek original of the 

first two Books is found in the manuscript copies of 

the Aristotelian corpus immediately following the Politics, 

but no Greek text of the third Book has been current 

since the fourteenth century. As early as the 

sixteenth century, the 1-lumanist editors of Aristotle were 

questioning the authenticity of the treatise. In 1506 

the French humanist I.efèvre d'Etaples proved conclusively 

that the second Book is entirely spurious,' since 

it contains references to persons known to have been 

born after Aristotle's death in 322 nc. There is general 

agreement that the first Book is, both in style and content, 

worth y of the Stagyrite; it contains numerous passages 

paraphrased from his Politics, while several sections 

have beemi traced hack to Xenophon's Oeconomicus. 

6 Xenophon was pillaged further by the unknown 

author of Book III, which is a highly interesting disquisition 

on the relations of husband and wife in the family 

economy. It has been conjectured that this third Book 

may be the Latin version of a late Greek tract, now lost, 

entitled Rules for married life, included in a list of works 

attributed to Aristotle drawn up in the sixth century 

by the lexicographer Hesychius of Miletus. Thus the 

Greek original of the Economics was it compilation of 

disparate materials assembled by unknown hands at 

various times after Aristotle's death and mistakenly 

introduced into the Aristotelian corpus at an unknown 

date, but quite certainly before the twelfth century, when 

the great Arabic commentator on Aristotle, Averrhoes, 

wrote a paraphrase of the treatise which was current in 

a Latin translation about 1260. 

If the history of the Greek text is intricate and confusing, 

that of the mediaeval Latin versions of the 

This brief account of a largely neglected segment of didactic 

literature is, of course, far from complete. It is a subject that 

begs for serious and full examination. 

Faber Stapulensis (Le Fèvre d'Etaples), Qeconomica Arisfotelis, 

126 If., Paris, H. Estiennc, 1506. The best critical edition 

of Book II is that by B. A. Van Groningen, Le deuxiè.'ne Uvre 

de l'1cononiiquc, 233 pp., Leyden, 1933. On the authenticity of 

Book II, cf. Otto Schlegel, J?eiträge .ur Untersuchungen iiber 

die Glaubwdrdigkeit der Beispielsammiung in den pseudoaristotelischen 

Oekonomika, Weimar, 1909 (dissertation). 

6 Written about 370 ac. Franz Susemihi, ed. Aristo tells quac 

feruntur Oecono;nica, v-vi, note 1, Leipzig, Teuhner, 1887, lists 

the parallels with Aristotle's Politics and Xenophon's Occono 

HI CUS.

VOL. 47, Fr. 5, 19571 INTRODUCTION 787 

Economics is no less so, although recent investigations 

have clarified somewhat the major problems regarding 

their chronological order and the identity of the translators. 

In 1924 the distinguished librarian of the Vatican, 

Auguste Pelzer, reported the discovery of two different 

Latin versions of the Economics derived from an 

Arabic synoptic paraphrase of the treatise, probably that 

made by Averrhoes about 1180.' The older of these 

two versions was made by the Spanish bishop of 

Cartagena, Pedro Gallego, about 1260. The second was 

translated by Arniengaud Blasius for Pope Clement \T, 

first of the Avignonese popes, who died in 1314. This 

latter bears the heading: "Yconomica Galieni, translata 

al) Armengaudo Blazii de arahico in latinum." There is 

no evidence to support the attribution to Galen, and we 

may speculate that Armengaud, himself a physician, 

wished to enhance the reputation of the great Greek 

anatomist whose authentic writings had long since 

appeared in Latin translations. 

Only two manuscript copies of each of these Arabico- 

Latin versions of the Economics have survived and no 

reference to them has been discovered in the mediaeval 

commentaries. These facts justify the belief that they 

were never circulated beyond the immediate regions in 

which they were produced—Toledo in the case of Gallego's 

version and Montpellier in the case of Armengaud's 

rendering. This failure to attract the attention 

of scholars more widely is readily explained by the fact 

that very shortly after the truncated synopsis of Gallego 

appeared (1260), a translation of the first and third 

Books of the Economics from the Greek text became 

available. With the Economics as with the other Aristotelian 

treatises—genuine or merely attributed—preference 

was given to the Greco-Latin version as soon as its 

existence became known among scholars. This earliest 

Greco-Latin translation was made in 1267 by the famous 

bishop of Corinth, William of Moerbeke, who, between 

1260 and 1280, provided the Schoolmen—tradition 

would have it, at the express request of Saint Thomas 

Aquinas—with translations of the greater portion of the 

Aristotelian corpus from Greek originals. In the same 

year (1267), William presented a copy of his Latin 

rendering of the first and third Books of the Economics 

to the bishop of Coimbra, Durandus de Hispania, on 

the occasion of the latter's attendance as procurator of 

the University of Paris at a meeting of the papal curia 

in \Titerbo. Before his return to Paris, Durandus wrote 

a commentary on William's Latin text, the earliest 

known commentary on the Economics, which bears this 

colophon in one of the manuscript copies: "Explicit 

textum Yconomice, compositurn a magistro Durando de 

Hispania, Colibrensi espiscopo." 8 Soon afterwards Albertus 

Magnus wrote an ex/'ositio of the Economics and 

August Peltzer, Un traducteur inconnu Pierre Gallego, 

Miscellanea Francesco Jhr1e 1: 407-456, Rome, 1924. The text 

of Gallego's translation is given in full, pp. 448-456. 

8 Reading from Bibi. Nat., Ms. tat. 16133, fol. 73b. 

made mention of it in a discourse on the Nichomachean 

Ethics. Thus the first and third Books were already 

well known at the University of Paris when, in 1295, 

an unknown scribe, in copying the Latin text, perpetrated 

an error which has served to confuse modern investigators 

for more than a century past. 9 In his colophon, 

this scribe names one Durandus de Alvernia as 

the translator and notes the date of the translation as 

1295: "Explicit yconomica Aristotelis translata de greco 

in latinum per unum archiepiscopum et unum episcopum 

de Grecia et Magister Durandum de Alvernia 

latinum procuratorem universitatis parisiensis tunc 

teniporis in curia romana. Agit actum Anagnie in 

mense augusti pontificatus domini Bonifacii pape viii 

anno primo." In this colophon Alvernia is clearly an 

error for Hispania, and Durandus the commentator is 

mistakenly credited with the translation by William of 

Moerbeke. The scribe knew also that William had been 

made archbishop of Corinth (1277-1281) and was 

therefore often called archbishop of Greece. He probably 

assumed that Durandus was likewise a Greek 

bishop. The date of the first year of Honiface Viii's 

papacy was 1295 and this was quite certainly the year in 

which the scribe made the copy; it cannot be reconciled 

with the existence of Durandus' commentary (1267) 

and Albert's exposition (1272?), made many years 

earlier, This enigmatic colophon was transmitted by 

later scribes who copied the treatise, so that several of 

the extant manuscripts of William's translation attribute 

the work to Durandus de Alvernia. The manuscript 

copies of this first Greco-Latin text of the Economics 

in two Books are relatively numerous—at least twentyfive 

are extant—and the fact that William's renditions 

of the Greek texts are extremely literal makes this version 

a valuable instrument for the elucidation of the 

corrupt Greek original, of which there is no extant copy 

earlier than the fifteenth century. 

Some time during the first decade of the fourteenth 

century a second translation, which contains all three 

Books, was made from the Greek. Opinions differ as 

to the originality of this version. IViandonnet believed 

it to be merely a recension of William's translation 

with which it is often completely identical.'° The celebrated 

German editor of the Aristotelian corpus, Franz 

Susemihl, held it to be an original version, and he published 

the third Book in his edition of the Oecononiica 

(1887) facing the equivalent second Book of William's 

translation to set off the textual differences. ht In the 

1939 edition of Lacomnbe's descriptive bibliography of 

the Latin Aristotle, two versions are recognized: \Vil- 

° The solution of this enigmatic problem is due to the brilliant 

scholarship of Pierre Mandonnet, Guillaume de Moerbeke, traductcur 

des Econorniques (1267), Archives d'histoire doctrinale 

et littéraire du nioyen-âge 8: 9-29, 1933; also ibidern, 29-36, 

Albert le Grand et les Econamiques dAristote. My account is 

a summary of these two important articles. 

10 Mandonnet, loc. cit., 18. 

11 F. Suseniihl, o. cit., 40-63.

788 LE LIVRE l)E YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

ham's translation is referred to as rcccns-io Dtrandi and 

the fourteenth century version is called vet us trans1atio,' 

since Lacombe, alone among modern scholars, judged 

the Latin version in three Books to he older than William's 

version of the first and third Books. It is clear 

that Lacombe did not utilize the investigations of Mandonnet, 

although the latter's articles are included in the 

list of works consulted; nor does he include the Arahico- 

Latin summaries ']it list of Latin texts. 

As the many variant readings recorded in Susemihi's 

edition indicate, 13 considerable textual divergencies exist 

among the manuscript copies belonging to each of the 

two families of Greco-Latin versions of the Economics. 

There is, moreover, a copy of a Latin commentary on the 

Economics by Ferrandus de Hispania, made about 1310, 

which contains in its margins portions of textual passages 

that point to the existence of a third independent 

Latin version of which nothing definite is known. 

Suscnnhl deemed these marginal notes sufficiently important 

to include portions of them in his variant readings 

for the third Book; indubitably, they do serve to 

clarify several doubtful passages. The source from 

which these marginal excerpts were derived remains 

unsolved. 

This general survey of the various Latin translations 

of the Economics available in the fourteenth century may 

serve to underscore the difficulties confronting anyone 

who might wish to undertake the task of turning this 

work into a modern language. Certainly it would have 

been much simpler to work from a Greek original; but in 

fourteenth-century France knowledge of Greek was at 

its nadir and the author of Le Livrc dc Yconomiquc had 

no other recourse than to utilize the available Latin 

versions. Our examination of his French translation 

will demonstrate that he had at his disposal recensions 

of the Latin versions of the Economics that have since 

disappeared. However, these additional textual resources 

were of little use to him. Often he complains 

in his glosses that his originals are corrupt and defy 

intelligent interpretation. Modern translators of this 

treatise have echoed his complaint and have found the 

Greek original equally troublesome. His struggle to 

Georges Laconibe, Arislo/cics !utijzus 1: 166-167, Rome, 

Libreria dello Stato, 1939. Lacombe states, p. 77: "Nos autem 

commentationes magni momcnti expectaimis quas preparant d. 

Pctrus Mandonnet et Ilirkenmajer, quisque sua pro parte. 

inlerduns silcamus." The fact that this distinguished work was 

published posthumously doubtless accounts for the confusion. 

13 Susemihl published Book I of the Latin version of William 

of Moerbeke separately: Occononiicoru,n, quac Arstote/i vu/go 

tribuun/ur, libri /irind re/usia trans/u/jo Latina, 7 pp., Berlin, 

1870, with variant readings from three manuscripts. Book Ill 

is found in his Aristotelis quac feruniur Occonoinica, 40-63, 

Leipzig, Teubner, 1887, with variants from eight manuscripts and 

also the anonymous Latin version of ca. 1310 and the Scholia 

of Ferrandus de Hispania. For convenience in comparing William's 

version with Oresme's French translation, we have included 

Susemihl's reconstructed text, minus the variant notes, 

in the Appendix to this edition of the I ' 'iw inquc. I ''' pp 

extricate the sense from doubtful passages was not 

uniformly successful and his working methods were 

quite elementary ; nevertheless, in making the attempt, 

he produced one of the earliest examples of textual 

criticism in a modern language. 

For ready reference, the following summary of the 

Mediaeval Latin versions of the Economics will be 

helpful 

SUMMARY OF MEDIAEVAL LATIN VERSIONS 

OF THE ECONOMICS 

(1) Translation from Arabic of Averrhoes' synoptic 

paraphrase, made by Pedro Gallego, bishop of Cartagena, 

ca. 1260. 

(2) Translation of same Arabic synopsis, made by 

Armengaud Blazius for Pope Clement V. Ca. 1310. 

There is no textual evidence that either of these 

Arabico-Latin versions was used in connection with Le 

Livrc de Yconomique. 

(3) William of Moerbeke's translation of Books I and 

III front Greek original. 1267. The two Books are 

uniformly numbered I and II. 

(4) Aiiorivmous translation of Books 1, II, and III 

from Greek original, ca. 1310. 

(5) Excerpts from anonymous Greco- I .atin translatiofl, 

now lust, of Books I an(l III. Contained in 

marginal and interlinear scholia in Commentary on the 

Economics by Fcrrandus de Hispania, Ca. 1310. 

Following the precedent of (3) above. Le Livre de 

Yconomquc omits entirely the second Book of the Greek 

text nor is there any hint of its existence in either Greek 

or I.atiti. Further reference to this excluded second 

Book will not be required in our present stud y. We are 

here concerned onl y with Books I and III of the original 

Greek Economics. For convenience," we shall adopt 

henceforth the numbering found ill the French version. 

Thus 

Livre I hcak I of both the Greek and I .atin texts. 

I .ivre II Book II of William of Moerbeke's Latin 

version; Book III of the anon ymous Latin text and 

presumably Book III, now host, of the Greek original. 

IV. LE LIVRE DR YCONOMIQUE 

1. THE TRANSLATOR, NICOLE ORESME 

The intellectual climate of Europe in the fourteenth 

century stands in marked contrast to that of the two 

preceding centuries. During the twelfth and thirteenth 

centuries the vast structure of mediaeval Christian 

The Loeb Classical Library edition of the Os'cono,nica, 321- 

424, Harvard Univ. Press, 1935, contains the Greek text of 

Books I and II and the William of Mocrbeke version of Book 

III as established by Susemihl iii the Teubncr edition, with a 

parallel English translation by Cyril Armstrong. This Loeb 

edition is to he recommended for its convenient format and the 

excellence of the En glish translation.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 19571 INTRODUCTION 789 

thought attained its fullest development and achieved a 

dominion over men's minds that was almost universal. 

This long period of constructive growth. of course, did 

not end abruptly; yet already in the early decades of the 

fourteenth century signs of the approaching change become 

clearly, perceptible. A critical attitude invades the 

centers of learning, the creative energies which had 

built up the great spiritual edifice of mediaeval theology 

seem to flag, philosophy turns increasingly from spiritual 

concerns to secular interests, and a reevaluation of the 

entire system, so laboriously constructed, is gradually 

set in motion. It was an age of analysis of past accomplishments, 

incapable of new s yntheses, but quite 

content to employ the methods of study perfected, as it 

seemed, by the great Schoolmen of the past. The long 

struggle to reconcile faith and reason begins to wane 

and men are ready to accept a permanent dichotomy 

whereby faith is set severely apart from factual experience 

as being inaccessible to human reason. 

Such an approach was taught by William of Occam 

and his disciples in the first half of the centur y, and. 

although declared heretical, the influence of the Occamite 

Nominalists was widespread and especially strong 

among the facult y of the very center of theological learning, 

the University of Paris. The result of Nominalist 

thinking can be seen quite clearly in the extensive works 

of Jean Buridan, whose name has become synonymous 

with the turgid pedantry of uninspired learning.13 

Buridan's works consist largely of commentaries and 

problems (quaestiones) dealing with the interpretation 

of various Aristotelian treatises, an occupation common 

enough among the scholars of his time. His style was 

indeed turgid, but his mind was exceptionally alert. 

His concern was less to reconcile the Peripatetic doctrines 

with the teachings of the Church than to compare 

these doctrines with his own observations of the facts of 

nature. While leaving no suspicion of unorthodox views 

in his discussions, he succeeded in evolving a method of 

analyzing hypotheses that produced a healthy skepticism 

with regard to the infallibility of Peripatetic wisdom in 

the realm of natural science. Huridan's tool was logical 

reason applied to observed experience, and within the 

limitations of the knowledge he could control Ili his 

constrained environment, he worked with exceptional 

sagacity and at times with surprising boldness. His attack 

upon the Peripatetic interpretation of motion, for 

instance, led to the general acceptance of the im/'ulsusintprcssus 

theory which Buridan promoted. Although 

it was later discarded by Galileo, this theory marked a 

significant advance over older concepts and was a revolutionary 

step when first propounded. Nor was Buridan 

alone in this revision of past learning. By 1340 a number 

of younger scholars were following his methods and 

15 The most thorough analysis of Ruridan's works is contained 

in the extensive article by Edmond F'aral, Jean l3uridan, maitre 

ès arts fle l'Tjniversité de Paris. 11isfoire littèraire de la France' 

38: 462 'O5. Paris, ltnjrinlerte \atioiialc. 1941. 

these men were soon identified as the Parisian or, more 

cotiinionly. as the New School. 16 Thus did Nominalism 

promote a new intellectual climate in which the latent 

curiosity of mail the mechanical nature of 

the universe in which he finds himself and the nature of 

the society of which he is a part could find freer expression, 

and b y so doing start afresh the search for 

scientific knowledge that had remained in a state of arrested 

development since the time of the Greeks and 

Romans. 

There is another important aspect in which the culture 

of the fourteenth century differs from that of earlier 

centuries. This is the increased use of the vernacular 

languages as a medium for the expression of serious and 

weighty ideas. Sporadic examples of this tendency 

existed in the thirteenth century; for example, a French 

translation of Aristotle's 3leteoro1ogr was made in 1276 

by Maliieu Ic Vilain for Count Aufort of Eu (Normandy) 

and the pseudo-Aristotelian Secret of Secrets 

circulated in several modern tongues in the second half 

of that century. In general, however, the vernacular had 

been reserved for the 1ittrat ore d'agriiient and learned 

works were available onl y in Latin. In the course 

of the fourteenth century this situation was notably 

changed, especially during the second half of the century. 

In France, this movement reached its greatest intensity 

during the reign of Charles V (1364-1380), 

whose enlightened policies procured relatively peaceful 

conditions, making it possible to foster the production 

of books among which were numerous translations of 

learned works. The selection of titles to he turned into 

French was, of course, the king's prerogative and 

doubtless Charles exercised this right ; that he welcomed 

the advice of his learned clerical friends is certain from 

the documents recording his relations with them. These 

men were in a position to suggest what works were 

suitable for transmission to the lay world in the language 

that the latter could read and understand. By modern 

standards their choice was often injudicious, but the 

results furnish its with an accurate measure of the 

tellectual climate of the time. 

Of all the learned clerics who contributed to the remarkable 

flowering of scholarly productions under tl 

encouragement of Charles V. by far the most disth 

guishcd and certainly the most competent was Nicol, 

Oresme (ca. 1323-1382).' The earliest mention of th il- 

11 Cf. Pierre Duhem, Le Systolic du monde 4: 91-183, ch. ix, 

L'Astronomie parisiennc an xiv siècle: les physiciens. See also 

Ernest A. Moody, Johaunis Buridani: Quaestione.c super libris 

qua//nor de Coelo et mundo (Mediaeval Academy of America 

Publications, no. 40), Introduction, Cambridge, Mass., 1942. 

11 For the story of Oresme's life and works, I have drawn 

upon the detailed account given in the Introduction to my edition 

of Le Livrc de Efhique.r, New York, Stechcrt, 1940; concerning 

his scientific works and his neologisms cf. A. D. Menut 

and A. J. Denonsy, Maistre Nicole Oresrne: Le Livre (IU Ciel 

et du monde, Mediaeval Studies 5: 239-333, 1943. The bibliographical 

references given in these editions should he con- 

.flltt(l for lull dct;i

790 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQIJE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

Norman cleric is found in a registry of twenty students 

of theology admitted to the College of Navarre in Paris 

in 1348. The presence of his family name among the 

inhabitants of the city of Caen in the early eighteenth 

century supports the assumption that Nicole was born 

in that vicinity; conjecturally, the (late of his birth is 

given as 1323. The College of Navarre admitted students 

only upon proof of their inability to pay their 

expenses at the University, of Paris, of which it was at 

that time the most famous and most respected adjunct. 

From this fact it has been concluded that Oresme came 

from one of those peasant families whose Sons have frequentl) 

, attained high honors in the annals of French 

scholarship. In Paris he ma y have attended the lectures 

of Jean Buridan; there is a reference to Oresme 

in Buridan's Quaestiones surer tres libros Moth eorurn 

in connection with the observation of a parahelion. In 

any case, Oresnie's contribution to natural philosophy 

appears as a continuation and an intensification of 

Buridan's speculations on scientific theory. 

Oresme received the doctorate in 1356 and was at 

once appointed grand master of his college. There is a 

persistent legend that during his incumbency at Navarre 

he was a précepteur or tutor of the future Charles V. 

Certain it is that he already enjoyed the confidence of 

Charles' father, the unfortunate John II, at whose command 

he wrote iii 1356 his justly celebrated treatise— 

probably one of his earliest—Do mufafionibus nioneforum, 

later turned into French under the title Traictie 

des ntonnoiCs. Until recent investigation revealed the 

true significance of his other works, it was largely because 

of this treatise that Ores nie's name was preserved 

trom oblivion. It is in this work attacking the practice 

of debasing the currency that Oresnie anticipates Gresham's 

law—that bad money drives good money out of 

circulation. 

In 1359 Oresme signed an act of the Chambre des 

Coniptes with the title "secrétaire du roy." At this time 

John II was expiating his defeat at Poitiers (1356) by 

Edward III as the latter's hostage in I .ondon, while the 

dauphin Charles was skillfully striving to restore royal 

authority after a long period of civil and political chaos. 

B y this time, at least, friendly relations had been established 

between Oresme and his future sovereign and 

patron. Through a score of years their fruitful collaboration 

links their names together in the crowning 

intellectual achievement of fourteenth-centur y France. 

Like most of his contemporaries, Charles was an ardent 

devotee of astrology; he seldom acted against the advice 

of his court astrologers. Doubtless it was this interest 

that prompted him to charge Oresme with the translation 

of Ptolemy's Qiadriparfitum from the Latin version 

(1170) by Plato of Tivoli, along with the Arabic 

commentary by Haly ibn-Ridwan in the Latin of 

Aegidius of Thebaldis, made for Alphonso the Wise of 

Spain about 1260. Having submitted to the young 

datlt)hitls w i sh in translating these extreme examples 4 

astrological moonshine, Oresme sought to counteract 

their influence on his patron's mind by attacking judicial 

astrology in a Latin tract Contra judiciarios astrononios 

(1360), which lie later turned into French under the 

title Le Livre do divinacions.' 8 There is no evidence to 

show that Oresme's arguments had any effect upon 

Charles infatuated faith in astrology, but he returned 

to the attack years later (1370) with a Latin tract 

Contra divinatores horoscopios and again in a series of 

Quaestiones containing further arguments against the 

dangers of astrological prognostications. There is reason 

to believe that he wrote his Traictic do l'espere 

(1365) in French so that his royal patron might understand 

more easily the current conception of celestial 

mechanics. 

In 1361 Oresme sought and obtained the archdeaconship 

at Bayeux, but was obliged to resign when suit was 

brought against him before the Parlement of Paris forbidding 

him to hold this office concurrently with his post 

at Navarre. He left Navarre the following year to accept 

appointment as canon at Rouen ; soon afterwards he 

was made canon at La Sainte Chapelle in Paris. During 

the next fifteen years—the most productive of his 

career—he divided his time between Rouen and Paris. 

On January 3, 1364, John II set sail upon what was 

destined to be his last journey to London, in a chivalric 

gesture towards Edward III, who complained of the 

escape of one of the French princes, a brother of Charles, 

held as hostage according to the terms of the treaty of 

Calais (1356). Charles again assumed the powers of 

regent and there can be little doubt that lie used his influence 

to assist Oresme in obtaining the appointment 

as dean of the cathedral of Rouen. This act was recorded 

on March 18, 1364. Three weeks later the death 

of John in London established Charles on the throne 

of France. While dean of Rouen (1364-1377), Oresme 

served his king as chaplain and as counselor, produced 

several of his Latin treatises, and, between 1370 and 

1377, made the earliest complete versions of authentic 

Aristotelian treatises in any of the modern languages. 

In the course of the past fifty years our knowledge of 

Oresme's contribution to scientific thought has been 

greatly advanced by the investigations of I )uhem, Weileitner, 

Thorndike. Borchcrt, Coopland, and others. Yet 

much remains to be done before a definitive evaluation 

of this important segment of his work can be confidently 

attempted. his principal scientific tracts are still tinprinted 

or exist only in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century 

editions difficult to obtain. Of the score of Latin treatises 

of scientific purport, the majority deal with problems of 

motion, velocity, heat, celestial mechanics, various mathematical 

problems, etc. Like his Scholastic contemporaries, 

Oresme wrote commentaries and quaestiones on 

is The original Latin treatise and the French version with a 

parallel English translation are given in George W. Coopland, 

\r 1 0 J 1, ()resnlc and the astrologers. .4 stud' of his Livre de 

221 pp, Cambridge, harvard Uinv. Press, 192


Aristotle's work—On the soul, On generation and corruptwn, 

Meteorology, a lost commentary on the Physics 

and possibly others also lost. A few titles indicate that 

he did not entirely neglect pure theology; a sermon 

which he preached before the papal court at Avignon 

on Christmas eve, 1363, was deemed of sufficient merit 

to be reprinted three times in the sixteenth century. 

Until Oresme's Latin tracts on physics, mathematics, 

and astronomy can be considered in their entirety by 

competent historians of science, our judgment of his 

contribution to knowledge must remain tentative. Fortunately, 

a project to publish these tracts in a critical 

edition with English translations is now under way; 

when this is completed, it will be possible to replace the 

present diverse opinions of Oresme's importance with 

a trul y critical estimate of his place in the advancement 

of scientific thought. 

No document exists to explain precisely why Charles 

V requested Oresme to undertake the translation of the 

four treatises of the "sovereign philosopher Aristotle," 

of which the Livre de Yconontique is the third in point 

of accomplishment. A lover of learning and of books 

in general, the king was especially fond of books in the 

vernacular. More than any of his predecessors he enjoyedreading 

French and his cabinet des lirres in the 

Louvre contained scores of works in that language, 

many of them translated at his command.'° In his remarkable 

preamble to the Livre de Ethiques Oresme 

states quite clearly his patron's purpose: "Because the 

Aristotelian books on moral science were originally 

written in Greek and we have received them in Latin 

very difficult to understand, the king has desired for the 

common good to have them translated into French, so 

that he and his counsellors and others may understand 

them better." Thus it was clearly Charles' intention 

that these works, inherently difficult in substance as well 

as in style, should be read by the members of his council 

and others of his entourage who might profit from them. 

In this instance, therefore, translation implied quite 

definitely vulgarization in a truly social sense. By permitting 

the use of his library and lending his nianuscripts 

to members of the nobility and to others who 

enjoyed his friendship, this enlightened king pursued 

throughout his reign a course calculated to enhance the 

wisdom of those who shared his responsibilities and 

thus to increase the welfare of his subjects. One of the 

political innovations of Charles' reign, whereby the 

king's council was instructed to elect the royal chancellor, 

previously an appointive office, coincided closely 

with Oresme's completion of the first redaction of the 

Politiques in 1372. The coincidence may have been 

purely accidental, but it is not impossible that the royal 

council was prepared for this event by a reading of 

") The fascinating story of the assembling of this magnificent 

library has been told in detail by Delisle, Leopold, Le Cabinet 

des ntauuscrits, 3 v., Paris, 1868-1881; the inventory and disposition 

of the collection is recounted in his Recltcrches sur la 

librairie de Charles V, 2 v., Paris, 1907. 

Book III of the Politics in Oresme's new French version. 

From the scattered documents that have come down 

to us from the royal ChanThre des Comptes recording 

the disbursement of generous sums of money to Oresme 

from the royal treasury '21 we can follow roughly his 

progress in the course of preparing his translations of 

the Ethics, Politics, and Economics. Probably he began 

work on the Ethics in 1369, since he was able to present 

Charles the ten Books complete with his extensive explanatory 

glosses in 1370. A first draft of the Politics 

was ready in 1372 and the first redaction of the Economics 

was probably presented to the king at the same 

lime. Minor revisions were made in the glosses of all 

three works, but it is safe to assume that they were in 

their final form by 1374, in which year there occurs the 

latest record of payment to Oresme for these translations. 

Charles' personal fondness for this trilogy of 

treatises on "moral science" is indicated by the fact that 

in 1376 he had his favorite scribe, Raoulet d'Orliens, 

prepare a beautifully illumined edition in conveniently 

small format (8 x 51,. inches) for his use while traveling. 

2' The king also possessed three folio-size copies of 

the trilogy in his library in the Louvre. A unique 

manuscript, containing the Politiques and the Yconomique, 

possibly Oresme's personal copy, contains a 

few marginal additions to the glosses not found elsewhere. 

It is this "author's copy" of the Livre de 

Yconomique which is reproduced in the present edition. 

Oresme presented to the king his fourth and last 

translation from the Aristotelian corpus in 1377. This 

work bears the imposing title Le Livre du ciel et du 

umonde, taken literally from the Latin Dc Coelo et 

inundo, containing the most complete statement we have 

of Aristotle's cosmological system. In his extensive 

glosses, Oresme displays the extent of his command of 

the cosmological knowledge of his time and he does not 

hesitate to contradict the Peripatetic doctrines regarding 

the laws governing natural phenomena whenever these 

seem to him untenable on rational grounds. Most 

famous of his glosses is the one in which he speculates 

upon the possibility of reversing the geocentric system 

and postulates the rotation of the earth at the center of 

an otherwise motionless universe—"I am willing to state 

that the contrary cannot be proven by any experiment 

nor by any effort of reason." 22 This is far from being 

the anticipation of the Copernican system, as has been 

sometimes claimed; but it points to a readiness to challenge 

the truth of sacrosanct ideas that was not exactly 

common in Oresme's time. Actually, the concept of a 

20 Cf. Delisle, Leopold, Les ,14'andemenfs de Charles V, Paris, 

1874. 

21 The copy of the Ethiques is preserved at The Hague, 

Museum Meermanno-\Vestreenianum, Ms. 10 Dl; the Politiques 

and Yconomiques together are in Brussels, BibI. Royale, Ms. 

2904. 

-Le Livre du ciel et do monde, ed. Menut and Denomy, 

Mediaeval Studies 4: 271, 1942; fol. 138b.

792 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQIJE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMI:R. PHIL. Soc. 

heliocentric s ystem, rejected b y Aristotle, was revived 

by Jean Buridan in his Quacsfiones super libris de coelo 

et mundo "I and, according to modern standards of 

scholarship, Oresme should have acknowledged this borrowing 

in his gloss. His originality in this connection 

is thus reduced to the fact that he was first to give expression 

to the concept in a modern language. Something 

of his enthusiastic love of learning as well as his 

pride of authorship is revealed in the colophon of this, 

perhaps his greatest work: 

And thus with God's help, I have finished the Book of the 

heavens and the earth by command of the excellent prince 

Charles V, by the grace of God king of France who has 

made me bishop of Lisieux as my reward. And in order 

to enthuse, excite and move the hearts of those young men 

who have subtle and noble minds and a desire for knowledge, 

so that they may be moved to challenge me and reply 

to my arguments out of love and desire for truth, Iventure 

to say and maintain that no mortal man has ever seen 

a finer or better book of natural philosophy than this one, 

either in Hebrew, in Greek, in Arabic, in Latin or in 

French.4 

The Livre du ciel at du monde was completed in 

August, 1377. Oil 8 of that year he was paid 

two hundred francs from the royal treasury, and a few 

weeks later Pope Gregory XI confirmed his nomination 

by the king to the bisho1)ric of Lisieux. The ceremony 

of elevation was performed in Rouen Cathedral on 

August 3, 1378. The long collaboration between king 

and cleric ended when Charles V died in September, 

1380. Oresme survived his generous royal patron by 

less than two years. I-Ic (lied in the bishop's palace 

at Lisieux on July 11, 1382, and was buried in his 

cathedral church. No trace of his tomb exists today. 

2. THE TRANSLATION AND THE COMMENTARY 

In his Preamble to the Livre de Etli-iqucs Oresme 

states clearly his conception of the translator's role: "I 

must be excused" he wrote, "if I do not express myself 

as clearly, as precisely and as methodicall y as might he 

desired; for I do not dare depart from Aristotle's text, 

which is often obscure, lest I miss his meaning and misinterpret 

him." With this as his guiding principle, we 

should expect a very literal rendering of the Latin ver- 

1. Double tra-i-siation: 

YCONOM IQUE 

Et donques convient vcoir at considerer de vconomie et 

queUe est le cevre de elle. (fol. 330h). 

Et pour ce, ii convient bien disposer at ordonner las 

C/loses qui stint quant a traic far de la famine, ce est 

assavoir quelle elle doit estre faicte par bonne instruction 

et par enseignentens ( 330b) 

Rook II, Quaestio 22. ed. Moody. pp. 226 233. 

Idein, Mediaeval Sfudis 3: 231, 1943; fol. 203c. 

sions he employed. Actually, however, Oresme was 

motivated primarily by his desire to reproduce Aristotle 

in such manner that the complex ideas could be easily 

and readily grasped and understood by French readers 

previously unschooled in such highly intellectual exercise. 

Therefore, although he followed his principle in 

general, his translations cannot be rightly called literal 

the exceptions are too frequent and too notable. 

In the first place, he devised the idea of dividing the 

original Books into relatively short chapters, supplying 

a descriptive title for each. At the beginning of each 

Book he placed a complete list of these chapter headings 

to serve at once as a table of contents and as an 

index for the reader's convenience; this scheme he 

adapted from the similar practice used by the Sclioolnien 

in their Latin commentaries. At the end of the Politiques 

and the Litre du ciel et dii nwnde he added a 

table de notables, a simple summary of the subjects 

treated in each Book; in the Ethiques and Politiques he 

drew up an alphabetical glossary of the difficult and 

rare words—a Table dc fors inots—with definitions and 

place references. The combination of these several aids 

to the reader was a definite innovation in fourteenthcentury 

bookmaking; for it Oresme deserves more than 

the scanty notice he has received from the historians of 

the art of the hook. In the case of the }7conomiqu.e he 

explains that the omission of a glossary is due to the 

close similarity of its vocabulary to that of the Politiques 

and he refers the reader to tile Table de fors mots in this 

latter work. 

These are, of course, purely external changes from the 

arrangement found in his Latin originals. When we 

examine his rendering of the Latin original of the 

Ycononuque, we find him deviating from the Latin text 

chiefly in three ways : ( 1 ) double translation—one Latin 

word is rendered by two or niore French equivalents of 

synonymous meaning; (2) occasional interpolations of 

short phrases or clauses to render an idea more clearly 

or more full y ; (3) rare omissions of a phrase or a 

sentence in the original, usually explainable as the 

avoidance of all 

or concept totally alien to a four- 

teenth-century French reader. A fe w exanipies of these 

departures front literal translations will demonstrate 

their nature: 

OECONOMIcA 

l-'idenduin ergo de oeconornica, et quid opus ipsius. 

Propter quod decet ea, quae stint de co-n junctione uxoris 

bene ordnare: hoc autem est qiialeni eani (lecet esse 

praevidere.


YCONOMIQUE 

Qui est par bafaille old par guerre (330c). 

La cure de cultiver Ia terre coifere et vault moult a la 

vertu de fortitude (330d). 

Plus puissans a soustenir perilz contre les ennernis ou 

adversaires (330d). 

As hommes Ia premiere cure doit estre a chescun de sa 

femme ou espouse (331a). 

Et pour cc, de necessité la societe et corn paignia d'eulz 

est en communication (331b). 

2. Interpolation. 

Et ceste chose, cc est assavoir Ic beuf, est premierement 

pour grace et affin d'avoir nourrissement; et l'autre 

chose, cc est la fe;nme, est pour grace des enfans (330a). 

Et celle est scion nature qui est laboratore, Ce est assavoir 

en labourant la terre (330b). 

Si comme est la cure metallique, cc est a dire des metal.r 

et de Idles choses (330b). 

Et Ia cure georgique, cc est a dire de cultiver la terre, 

est niaismement la premiere (330c). 

Car elle ne est pas comme sunt les cures on ars fabriles, 

cc est a dire de forgier on de tels jars mesfiers, qui flint 

les corps inutiles a fortitude (330d). 

Car Ic niasle et la femelle funt leur operations et funt i'un 

pour i'autre non pas seulement pour grace et afin de 

estre ou de vivre, mes pour grace et afin de bien estre 

etdebicnvivre (331d). 

Item, oveques cc, nature par cest peryode ou par ceste 

circulation de generation reemplist et continue tousjours 

estre (332b). 

3. Omissions: 

At the end of Book I, ch. 5 (336a), Oresme failed to 

translate the last sentence of the Latin text: "])ecet 

etiarn forenses procreationes liberorum et non habere 

multos eiusdern generis, sicut et in civitatibus, et sacrificia 

et voluptates maxime propter servos fieri et non 

liberos, plura enim habent hii, cuius gratia huiusmodi 

statuta sunt. [We should also keep festivals and give 

treats, more on the slaves' account than on that of the 

freemen; since the free have a fuller share in those enjoyments 

for the sake of which these institutions exist.]" 

Did this reference to the Greek games and the accompanying 

festivities seem to Oresme too pagan for his 

Christian readers or is this omission due merely to an 

oversight? It is impossible to decide with certainty, but 

it is obvious that this omission saved him the task of 

explaining a Greek custom with which he was as unfamiliar 

as any of his readers. 

Probably the same reason may be alleged for the 

omission of a clausc at the beginning of Book I, ch. 6 

Sicut bellice. 

OECONOMICA 

[Georgica] ad haec et ad fortitudinein prodest maxirne. 

Amplius et potentia periclitare ad hostes. 

Eorurn autem, civae circa homines, prima cura de uxore. 

Propter quod, de necessitate ipsorum communicatto 

consistit. 

Aliud quidem nutrinienti primum, aliud vero liberorum. 

Secunduni autem naturam georgica prior. 

Ut metallica et quaecunque alia liuius modi. 

Georgica auteni niaxime. 

Non enim sicut fabriles corpora inutilia faciunt vel 

debilia. 

Q nod non solum esse, verum etiam bene esse cooperatores 

invicem femina et masculus sunt. 

In hoc autem et natura replet hac periodo semper esse. 

(336b) : "exhaurire enim ethnio hoc est et lagena quae 

clicitur rupta. [Like bailing with a sieve or like the 

proverbial wine jar with a hole in the bottom.]" A few 

lines farther on, Oresme failed to render: "ut non pariter 

periclitentur omnibus. [So that we do not risk the loss 

of all our possessions at once. I" This is probably an 

oversight, since the sense is complete without this additional 

subordinate clause. These three omissions are 

all we have noticed in a careful comparison of the 

Ycononiique with the Latin original. 

Only a few of the several instances where Oresme's 

rendering is erroneous or at best inexact can be noted 

here. In Book I, ch. 6 (336c) he mistranslates: "et 

aulae etiam positio non est in pavoribus oeconomiis. 

[And the smaller households keep no idle deposits in 

store.]" The French reads: "Et la position ou bonnc 

assiete du guernier ne est pas a niettre entre les plus 

petitez dispositions oil This may be taken 

to mean: 'And the establishment of the store-house in 

a good location is not to be dismissed as among the


least important considerations." However sensible the 

observation, it hardly corresponds to the original Latin. 

Again, in the same chapter (337a), the French shows 

a misunderstanding of the Latin: "Non enirn possibile 

non bene ostendentem bene imitari neque in aliis neque 

in epitropia. [There can he no good copy without a 

good example.]" Oresme turned this to: "Car se les 

choses ne apparent hien distincteernent, les servans ne 

pevcnt ensuir ou faire selon Ic plaisir du mari et de la 

femtne ne en la cure ou garde des choses ne en autres 

cvres." This can only mean: "For if the tasks are not 

distinctly classified, the slaves cannot follow or fulfill 

the wishes of the husband and wife in taking care of the 

property or in other tasks." As an example of confused 

translation, we may select a sentence at the end of Book 

I, ch. 4 (333d) : "Nam lIla que fiunt per ornatum nihil 

differunt ab histrionun-i usu tragedias in scena agentiutn. 

[For intercourse depending for its charm upon outward 

adornment is in no way different from that of the actors 

in a tragedy playing their fictitious roles on the stage.]" 

Oresme offers as the French equivalent: "Car en tel 

apparat fine ont Ic honime et Ia femme qui sunt ensemble 

par manage, tel aournement ne differe en rien des 

parlers quc Yen seult faire es tragedies." This may be 

rendered: "For the outward adornment of the married 

couple may be no different from the speeches commonly 

associated with tragedies." 

The number of such passages in the Yconomique, 

although not large, is sufficient to warrant the observation 

that translation is a treacherous art even when, as 

with Oresme, the translator is completely at home in 

both languages. For those who desire to make further 

comparison of the French and Latin texts, the latter has 

been included as all in this volume. The 

vocabulary of the Yconomique is discussed later in Section 

4. 

Although the title does not indicate it, the Yconomique 

contains, like Oresme's three other translations from 

the Aristotelian corpus, a running commentary or gloss, 

provided by himself. This interpretative material constitutes 

approximately two-thirds of the French text. 

Whether it deserves to he called commentary or, as 

Oresme consistentl y refers to it, gloss, depends upon 

the definition given these two terms. In great part, his 

explanations are brief and undeveloped—a short sentence 

giving a concrete example to illustrate more vividly 

an abstract concept or an anticipation of the idea to be 

presented in the next translated passage. If we define 

a gloss as a short explanatory note and a commentary 

as an extended interpretation or discussion of a textual 

passage, then we shall have to classify the major part of 

Oresme's remarks as glosses, for there are not more 

than a half-dozen passages in the Yconomique that 

qualify as commentaries according to these definitions. 

In supplying this expository material to the original 

text Oresme was merely adapting to French the timehonored 

practice 1 the expositors 4 the Aristotelian 

corpus from the early Greek and Roman commentators 

through the great Scholastics of the thirteenth century, 

Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas. From the 

Alexandrian and Byzantine expositors, the Arabs borrowed 

this method of textual exegesis, and as early as 

the fourth century Christian scholars began to supply 

explanatory glosses to the Bible; Walafrid Strabo's 

Glossaria. ordinaria (Ca. 840) on the Vulgate was employed 

for several centuries (last edition, Antwerp, 

1634) as an authoritative interpretation of the Scriptures. 

Among the Jews, the Talmud was originally a 

commentary on the Old Testament, to which later generations 

added their own commentaries. Thus the tradition 

of the gloss and the commentary was part and parcel 

of mediaeval learning. Greatly modified, the tradition 

is perpetuated in the relatively modern institution of the 

explanatory footnote. 

Adopting then the expository methods employed in 

the Latin commentaries, Oresme translates a passage 

from the Latin Economics—a few sentences, a single 

sentence, or often merely a phrase, and then he intervenes 

with his explanatory comment, frequently a brief 

sentence, but occasionally an extended exposition of 

several hundred words. With but one exception, in the 

extant copies of the Yconomique these glosses follow 

immediately after the translated passage. This manner 

of linking text and commentary together in sequence, 

known as running commentar y, offers the practical advantage 

of focusing attention upon the meaning of the 

original text; but it incurs at the same time the danger 

of breaking the continuity of thought and destroys whatever 

unity of style the original ma y possess. The single 

exception to this commingling of text and commentary 

in the extant copies of the Yconomique is found in the 

finely executed manuscript made for Charles V, now in 

the private library of the Countess of Wasiers. In this 

manuscript, which also contains the Politiques, the gloss 

is written in the broad margins surrounding the four 

sides of the two narrow columns of translated text; suitable 

cross reference marks are used to identify the 

glosses with the textual passages under discussion. This 

arrangement leaves the original text unbroken; but it 

has the disadvantage of dispersing the longer glosses 

over several pages, thus increasing considerably the opportunity 

for scribal errors and omissions and causing 

the reader to lose his place in the translated material. 

Among the manuscript copies of the Ycono;niqu-c there 

is no example of a third type of paginal arrangement 

much less frequently found in commentated works, in 

which the text is given in the right hand column, with 

cross references to the glosses appearing in the left 

hand column. This parallel presentation of text and 

commentary was objectionable because it was often 

wasteful of expensive parchment, since text and gloss 

seldom required equal amounts of space, and the blanks 

that resulted from the juxtaposition of disparate quantities 

of written matter offended the esthetic sense of


the scribe as well as the purchaser of the book. A 

wholly satisfactory presentation of commented text was 

never achieved in the manuscript stage of bookmaking 

and the technical ingenuity of the early printers was 

slow to solve this problem successfully. 

It might be assumed that the use of double translations 

and interpolations in the translated text would 

obviate the need for further interpretation by means of 

glosses. There are at least three reasons why Oresme 

would have rejected this assumption. In the first place, 

as a scholar in the Scholastic tradition, he would most 

naturally follow that pattern, seeing no reason to discard 

it merely because he was operating with the vernacular 

rather than the customary Latin. To have abandoned 

glosses would have amounted to a renunciation of the 

only method of scholarly exposition with which he was 

acquainted, in which he was thoroughly at home, and 

which was the indispensable criterion of sound scholarship 

among his contemporaries. How closely he was 

bound to the Latin traditioii can be judged from the 

several instances in his glosses where he cites a Latin 

phrase or sentence and leaves it untranslated—whether 

from forgetting to do so or rather from the desire to 

display his learning, we cannot say. 

In the second place, he doubtless felt that his readers 

would require the additional assistance that only a continual 

gloss could provide. For example: something 

needed to be said at the outset about the place occupied 

by economics in the Aristotelian system, and the terminology 

called for definition beyond that supplied in the 

original. Oresme was fond, like all scholars of his time, 

of definition by etymology; with no knowledge of Greek, 

he depended upon his predecessors for these etymologies 

and, more often thati not, these were quite fantastic. 

The many parallels between the Politics and the Ethics 

with the text of the Yconomique were worthy of mention, 

and how could a master of dialectic refrain from 

pointing out the logical construction of the treatise as it 

passed sequentially from sentence to sentence in ordered 

progression of analysis? Then there were the names of 

persons and places to be identified; in this respect, 

Oresnie was often not more than a step ahead of his 

public. He glosses "gens de Perse et de Laconie" with 

the statement: "The region of Persia was so called from 

a king named Perseus, and Laconia was that part of 

Italy where Apulia and Calabria are situated and was 

formerly called Greater Greece" (336c)." 25 Again, he 

explains "le proverbe du Persian est bon et cellui du 

Libyen" with the gloss: "Persia is one region and Lybia 

another where these proverbs were found" (336d). 

Such dubious information is not uncommon in his 

glosses, however surprising it may seem in a scholar 

who had authored a Treatise on the sphere and who 

25 In a similar gloss on Laconia in Politics III, 8, 1285a 4, 

Oresme cites Saint Jerome as the source of his misinformation: 

"Cc [Laconic] est la partie de Ytalie qui fu jadis appellee la 

Grande Grece, scion Saint Gerome, la ou sunt Apulie et Calabre 

et Ia ou regna Agamenon, qui obsist Troic." 

might he expected to know as much about the geography 

of Europe and Asia as he did about the Inconiniensurability 

of celestial motion—the title of one of his Latin 

tracts. 

The third reason for the glosses is doubtless Oresme's 

preoccupation with moral and religious teaching. As a 

Christian theologian presenting a pagan work to the 

laity and patronized by a king who was extremely fond 

of theological disquisition, Oresme never loses sight of 

his obligation to reconcile, or at least to attempt to 

equate, Peripatetic precepts with Christian teaching. 

Most often he contrives to effect this reconciliation by 

analyzing briefly the meaning of the original and then 

citing a passage from Scripture in support of the idea. 

Such is the case in the gloss (336a) concerning the freeing 

of serfs: "When he seems worthy, one should give 

him full freedom after a certain length of time and he 

should be so recompensed that he may live afterward as 

master of his own house. Wherefore Solomon says: 

'A wise slave love as thyself and withhold not his freedom 

nor let him go unrecompensed" ' (Ecclesiasticus 7: 

23). For Scriptural parallels he turned most frequently 

to the Wisdom Hooks of the Bible; in these, 

quite naturally, he would find the closest approach to 

that practical wisdom for the conduct of daily existence 

which he could juxtapose or contrast with the pagan 

precept under discussion. Of the 102 citations found 

in the Yconomique, 72 are Scriptural and of these 44 are 

taken from the Wisdom Books. By far the favorite 

source was Ecclesiasticus, quoted 31 times. 

Of the classical sources cited, Oresme pays his respects 

most often to Vergil and Ovid (4 each), with 

Cicero and Pliny each mentioned twice. It is curious 

that his most extensive quotation is drawn from an 

author almost completely forgotten today; Quintus 

Aurelius Symmachus, whose Letters he cites, was one 

of the last pagan consuls of Rome (391) and a valiant 

protagonist of the old religion against the Christian 

party led by Saint Ambrose. His luxuriant but empty 

verbosity was greatly admired in the Middle Ages and 

his Letters were used as models of epistolary style in 

the schools; Oresme may have studied Symmachus in 

some Florilegium or Collcctanea containing excerpts 

froni the Letters. Being a short treatise, the Yconomique 

hardly allowed Oresnie an opportunity to display 

his wide acquaintance with letters to the degree 

possible in the much longer Ethiques and Politiques, 

but his range of references is nevertheless impressive .26 

26 Besides his frequent references to the Ethics and Politics, 

Oresme cites the following in the Ycono,nique: St. Augustine, 

Dc Civitate Dci, 1; Aristotle, Dc Anima, 3, Dc Generationc, 1, 

Metaph ysics, 1; Aulus Geilius, Attic Nights, 1; Bible (Vulgate) 

: Genesis, 8; Leviticus, 1; II Samuel, 1; Judith, 1; Job, I 

Psalms, 5; Proverbs, 11; Ecclesiastes, 1; Sapientia, 1; Ecclesiasticus, 

31; Jeremiah, 1; II Maccabees, 1; Matthew, 3; 

Luke, 1; Romans, 1; Ephesians, 1; II Thessalonians, 1; James, 

1; Apocalypse, 1; Cicero, Dc Amicitia, 2; Justinian, Digest, 1; 

Mathieu de Vcndôme, As's vcrsificatoria, 1; Maximian, Elegies, 

1; Ovid, Asnores, 1, Dc Ar/c amoris. 2 AGfasnorphoscs, 1; 

(o 

BIBLICTIE E 

CHP

796 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE DARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

The rather frequent errors in his quotations suggest that 

he often cited them from memory, without checking 

their accuracy, but at least some of the errors must be 

attributed to the ignorance of the scribes. 

An examination of the originality of Oresme's glosses 

yields results that are, from the standpoint of modern 

scholarship, both startling and revealing. In the Yconomique, 

he mentions by name only one of the earlier 

Latin commentators of the Economics, of whom there 

were several. Yet when we turn to these Latin expositions—commentaries 

or quaestiones—we notice two 

striking features: (1) the passages glossed by Oresme 

are in many instances the same as those previously 

glossed by his Latin predecessors and these Latin glosses 

are in turn closely patterned on the earliest of the expositions, 

that of Durandus de Hispania; (2) Oresme's 

glosses are often little more than paraphrases of these 

Latin glosses, frequently , greatly abbreviated or occasionally 

augmented with new material interpolated by 

Oresme himself. If this methodical transmission of 

earlier exegesis, usuall y unacknowledged, seein g reprehensible 

today—"a whole pedigree of plagiarism," it has 

been called 27—the fact is that Scholasticism was essentially 

a method of instruction for university students, 

a pedagogical system designed to preserve a uniform 

teaching of universally accepted truth, upon which the 

individual scholar infringed at his peril. Deviations do 

occur, of course; but tradition is a stern mistress and 

any notable irregularity was likely to give rise to charges 

of heresy, greatest of all sins. The great scarcity of 

books generally favored the repetitiousness of mediaeval 

scholarship; readers were usually too glad to welcome 

the appearance of any new work to be much concerned 

with the originality of its contents. Under such circumstances, 

"even the plagiarist was a public benefactor." 

28 

Thus it is possible to trace the substance of several 

glosses in the Ycono;nique back through the Latin expositions 

of the Economics by Jean Buridan (Quacshones), 

William of Occam (Quaeshiones), Ferrandus 

de Hispania (Scholia), Barthélemy de Bruges (Cornmentum 

and Quaestiones), Albertus Magnus (Expos'itio) 

and finally, the prototype of all of these. Durandus 

de Hispania (Cons;nentarium). Doubtless there are still 

other unidentified expositors included in Oresme's 

blanket references to une al4tre exposition, les exposileurs, 

etc. (343a, 345a, 346a, etc.). His attitude towards 

expositors in general is shown in a significant 

remark in the Pofitiques: " No one should marvel if I 

do not always follow the expositors, for I find them often 

contradicting one another and at odds with the text 

itself." 29 We can hardly censure him, surely, for de- 

Synsmachus, Ef,istolae, 1; Vergil, Aeneid, 2, Georgics, 2; 

Vitruvius, Dc Architectura, 1; Ysopet-Arionnef, 1. 

By G. G. Coulton, Medieval panoranw, 450, New York, 

Meridian Books, 1955. 

Ide,n, 580. 

Polithjucs, Avranchcs, BihI. Municipaic, 31s. 223, fol. 103d. 

pending upon his predecessors for historical or geographical 

references, for these commentaries were the 

tools of learning with which he worked in full confidence 

of their trustworthiness; their authors were among the 

most distinguished scholars of the age and Oresme 

utilized their works as we use an encyclopedia today. 

Of all these Latin expositors, why Oresme should have 

singled out only Barthélemy (le Bruges to mention by 

name remains something of a mystery. This Flemish 

master of arts and doctor of medicine wrote a cornmentarv 

and also Quaestiones on the Economics, both 

in 13O9,° when he began his long though intermittent 

service as lecturer at the Sorhonne. He was court 

physician to the French king Philip VI, and made frequent 

benefactions to various colleges of the University 

of Paris. Since he was still living in 1356, it is not tinlikely 

that Oresme knew him personally. Oresme liked 

to enliven his glosses with occasional exempla or apposite 

anecdotes, and Rarthéleniy's account of the son 

condemned to the gallows who blames his mother for 

his plight (342b) may have struck him as worthy of 

special acknowledgment, although this c.rcotpiunz was 

not original 31 with Barthélemy and Oresnie must have 

accredited it to Hartliélemy simply because he had the 

latter's work in hand at the moment. 

Merely because Oresme depended so often upon his 

predecessors, it must not be inferred that his glosses 

contain nothing of his own invention. On the contrary, 

the majority of his glosses are wholly or in part original. 

His numerous cross references to parallel passages in 

30 According to the explicit in Venice, Bib!. Marciana, Class. 

XII, cod. 9, if. 130-154, which contains lsth works. Barthélemy 

wrote commentaries on Galen, Hippocrates and Avicenna, as 

well as on several Aristotelian treatises. Copies of his commentary 

on the Economics—called Scriptum in the manuscripts 

—and Quoestiones on the same work are preserved at Bologna, 

Cracow, Erfurt, Paris, Venice, and Vienna. His short medical 

tract Re,nediurn epidemias (oil the Black Plague) has been 

published by Karl Sudhoif, Archiv für Geschiclztr der 3ledi:iu 

5: 39-41, 1912. Barthélemy lectured at the Sorbonne from 

1308-1330 and again from 1342-1354. The best account of 

his life and writings is the article by Charles V. Langlois, 

Barthélcmy de Bruges, maitre ès arts et en médecinc, Hisfoire 

lie téraire de ha France 37: 238-250, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 

1938. On his contribution to medicine, cf. Ernest Wickersheimer, 

Dictionnaire biagraJ'hiquc des médecins en France au 

snoycn-âge 1: 60, Paris, Droz, 1936. 

31 Paul Meyer traced the original version of this exem/'lurn 

to an anonymous tract of the late twelfth century, Dc scolariurn 

disciphinis, Migne, Patrologia latina 64: 1227, It appears in at 

least four thirteenth-century writers—Eudes of Chcrington, 

Jacques de Vitry, Vincent de Beauvais and finally in Philippe 

de Novarre. Cf. Paul Meyer, L'Enfant gãté devenu crisninel, 

Romania 14: 581-583, 1885. Barthélemy's account reads as 

follows in Bib!. Nat., .11's. lat. 14704, fol. 46v: "Audivi de quodam 

prope terrarn nostrarn qui, instigatus a(l furturn a matre, cum 

duceretur ad patibulum, dixit matri quod vellet cans osculari, 

et, cuin tangeret earn, arnordebat sibi nasum, dicens: 'Vos 

fecistis me suspendi, teneatis sallarium vestrurn.' " This follows 

almost verbatim the story in Jacques de Vitry's Sermones, no. 

26. It is hardly credible that Orcsrne discLz'crcd this oft-told 

talc in Barthélcrn y's ()uu'sto;i,'s.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 1 1 57 INTRODUCTION 797 

the Ethics and Peli/ics are the result of his recently 

finished translations of these works; his references to 

Dc Anjina and Dc Gencrationc. to Vergil and Ovid and 

also his citations front 

are his own additions 

likewise the brief glosses that serve to particularize a 

general concept. for example: "'l'exte . . . les choses 

scchcs. Glose . . . si comme sunt les hks. Texte 

les choses moistes. Glose . . . conuiie le yin" (338a). 

The longest of the glosses (344hc) , in which lie draws 

an analog y between the indoctrination of young wives 

and the training of wooden sticks, is not onl y original 

but also an excellent example of the arid, syllogistic 

rhetoric so greatly admired b y the Scholastics. 

A notahle feature of these glosses is the frank and 

forthright lilanner iii which ()rcsme reveals his struggle 

with the interpretation of his Latin original. Whether 

his French readers appreciated his honest avowal of 

his difficulties ma y he doubted, but there call no 

question that his candor lends all of authenticity to 

his translation. We have observed that the Latin versions 

(If the Economics ics present numerous textual problems, 

both with respect to their authenticity and their 

interpretation. Since Oresnic made no use of the two 

Aralnco-1 .atin versions, it may he assumed that lie recognized 

their spurious character. Of the two Greco- 

I .atin versions, he selected that of William of Moerbeke 

as his basic text, resorting to the anonymous version and 

to the Scholia of F'erraiidus tie Hispania whenever 

these served to clarify the meaning. Naturally, there 

were variant readings in the manuscript copies of each 

of the three I atin versions used, and Oresnie was 

obliged to choose ( , it not merely between the 

different versions but also between variant readings of 

one and the same version. A few examples will suffic.e 

to illustrate ]us method of handling these textual problenis. 

For this purpose, we shall use the following code 

a = William of Moerbeke's translation (1267, the 

basic text. 

b = Anonymous translation (1300-1310 

c Scholia of Ferrancius de Hispania (1300-1310). 

At the beginning of fol. 330c, Oresme translates from 

a: "sicut bcllicc, par bataille on par guerre." In the 

gloss lie notes: ''And in one text it reads sicut be/lice 

and in the other sicili vcnattCc, meaning acquisition of 

wealth by means of hunting." (_)resme's choice is a, but 

he notes a variant reading, evidently from a manuscript 

now lost, and explains further: ''It is not to be consi 

rued that no acquisition of wealth by hunting or war 

is honest or just. For . . . the first and most just of 

natural conflicts is against wild animals and against 

certain men.'' 

At the end of fol. 333d, ( )resme translates from b: 

nihil differunt ab hiistrionum usu tragedias in scena 

ageritium [no different from the speeches commonly as- 

This is evident from his consistent references to the unique 

chapter numeration employed it, his own editions. 

sociated with tragedies I 

it(, (lillete en rien des parlers 

que Fen seult faire es tragedies.'' his gloss explains 

''That is to say that such excess of affectation is ugly 

and unseemly, like the words used in tragedies. Or, 

according to another commentator, such a thing gives 

opportunit y for evil tongues, such as one hears in 

tragedy. Tragedies are ditties and rimes about base 

and improper things. And the word is derived from 

traqos in Greek, meaning goat or stinking animal, because 

too the filth y words and scandal of these 

rines, a goat was sacrificed." The Latin clause is 

omitted in a and the information offered is strikingly 

false, toil Oresine has at least utilized the available 

authorities to explain a passage contaniing a common 

Greek %\( rd that was generall y misunderstood in the 

Middle Ages.' 

At the end of fol. 335c, Oresnie struggles with the 

phrase prop/er eon/ui ui/a/Cm, a reading not found in 

any copy we have seen in its place we timid prop/cr 

consuetudint';n, which is quite translatable in the context. 

Here we need note only that ()resnlc (lCeliied the 

former reading corrupt and, finding no clarification of 

it in the commentaries, he tried his best to interpret the 

passage in the light of his conunon-scuse knowledge of 

niedicine. Similarly iii fol. 337c. finding Ili the cornnientaries 

no satisfactory explanation of the Latin : ''in 

niagnisauteni divisis et hiis quae ad annum et per 

menseni constunendis [oil estates, after the amount 

of produce required for the year's or for the month's 

consumption has been set apart I ," Oresme complains 

that the st yle is brief and obscure, that the expositors 

disagree as to the meaning. Then, oil the basis of his 

own observations of the division of the harvest as 

practised in France, he draws the sensible conclusion 

that outla y must be measured according to revenue and 

he finds confirmation of this moral precept iii Scripture 

and elsewhere in Aristotle. 

At the beginning of Livre 11, ch. 1 (3391)), a reads: 

"Si lion vir pereperit lotherwise the husband will be 

Warned]. " Oresme preferred to translate front b: ''nisi 

vir praeceperit [if the husband does not permit itt " In 

fol. 339c, he again rejects a: ''differens forum dhitlering 

in stvlel " and translates from ii: "differt pulchritudine 

Sec aisive, p. 794, for English translation of the full Latin 

sell teilce. 

Oresnic's confusion may be judged if we compare the 

definition given above with that given iii the El/n que.c, 1, 17 

(ed. Menut. fol. l9a) : "Tragedies sumit (liticz, conime romlimans 

qui parlent ct traictemit de aucuns glans faiz notables." His 

concept of comedy is given in a passage in J?tlnqmics IV, 12, fol. 

74c: "Et a gouliardois et disëeurs (IC comedies, c'est a dire, de 

villains ditez on 'ilaiimes chançons, ii domie grans (lisners 

mmmc noces on ii fait niectrc pourpre oil precieus paramemlz 

par la on ii marche si comme faisnient ceuls d'une cite 

appellee Megare. Glose: C'est tine cite de Grece. Et (lit 

Eustrace que illeques furent trouvccs les comedies, me sont ditiez 

ou chancons de choses deshomiestes quc Ics dcsactrempes escontent 

volcmitiers. 

( t. Oresnies ,licuss ii iii of ilige'.tion , lol 337h.

798 LE k I \k F. I )E YCONO\1 IQ[E D'ARJSTOTE ITRANS. AMER. P1111.. SOC. 

I differs in beauty I ; vestemens dittenn dc antics en 

excellence tie heaute.' 

At the end of fol. 3411), Oresme struggled vainly with 

the text of all three versions. The reading of a is 

Propter quae oiuuia decet nuilto magis honorare virum 

et in verecundia 11011 hahere, si sacra puclicitia Ct OCS 

amniositatis films secundum 1-Terculeni non sequantur. 

[For all these reasons it is fitting that a woman should 

honor her husband far more nor he ashamed of him 

even when, as Hercules sa ys. 'hol y health of soul, and 

wealth, child of a brave spirit,' him.]" The 

gloss notes that 1' and c read Orphciun instead of Herciticiii,' 

but Oresme complains that the passage has been 

wrongly translated, appearing in all three versions in 

different readings, none of them translatable. Possibly 

he had difficult y with the confusing compound subject. 

with 0/n's in apposition With films and a plural verb 

serving as predicate to three dispersed subjects. I lis 

speculation that Orpheus wrote a 1)00k in which 11crcules 

is made to titter this poetic line is ingenious. but 

unwarranted ; Orpheus was indeed a legendary poet, to 

whom numerous verses were attributed, as in this iiistance. 

Had lie known this, Oresme would doubtless 

have chosen the reading of b and c in preference to a. 

However, the general sense of the original is preserved 

in time French. 

ii fol. 341d, a reads:" Quibus quid sanctius fieret? 

[What more hol y than this ?1 " ; b reads "Otiihus quid 

tlivuiius ? [What more divine than this? I ." Oresme 

straddles both reading ,.;: What more holy or more 

divine ? In the gloss he notes : "One text reads sanctiu.c 

and another dl'z'm)mmmrs.' Similarly, in fol. 343d Oresme 

translates si;nilia froin a, but gives in his gloss sinmmles 

from b, with a complete translation of the sentence using 

the latter reading. The choice is left to the reader. 

Oresoic appears at his critical best iii the gloss 

(342cd) in which he explains his preference for the 

reading of c. There are several variant readings at this 

point in the extant manuscripts and c corresponds closely 

with the marginal reading in Bud. Nat.. Ills. mt. 16089, 

which may have been among the Latin origmals from 

which Oresme worked. This manuscript is unique by 

reason of its marginal and interlinear corrections of a 

from both b and e. The reading servorum which 

Oresme corrects to suorunm is indicated in abbreviation 

in the margin. The gloss (346a) in which Oresnie 

seeks to correct the reading of a and b in order to satisfy 

his sense of propriety shows him in a far less favorable 

light. The sentence in question reads in a.' ''Nain cum 

Circe iacere noluit nisi propter anucorlifli salutem." 

The reading in b is : "Nee etiain cum Circe coire 

voluisset nisi pro amicorum salute." Both versions 

agree in substance: "The was unwilling to lie with Circe 

unless to secure the safet y of his companions.' Oresme 

translates: ''He was never willing to lie with a woman 

named Circe, even for the salvation of his friends." 

(,)ren:e '. l:tii:s that die texI. ire Corrupt and suggests 

that nisi (unless should read etiam (even'), although 

a, h, and c are uniform with nisi. lie justifies his 

tampering by citing Aristotle to the effect that one 

should never do evil iii order to accomplish good ; therefore. 

Aristotle would never have given his approval to 

Ul ysses' having committed a disloyal act against his 

wife Penelope, merel y to save his companions. Thus 

does Oresuie the theologian subdue Oresme the scholar. 

I lowever, we can applaud his disavowal of the magical 

po\'rs attributed to Circe ; his explanation of the transformation 

of Ul ysses' companions into animals shows a 

health y skepticism, if not absolute disbelief. 

In a gloss oil 347d. ()resnie cites a text containing 

the reading qmu v.cent (who shall Ii ye instead of q'u'i 

cerit ( who shall conquer). No extant manuscript 

gives the former reaching, a further proof that Oresme 

had at his disposal copies of the Economics which have 

since been lost. 

At the end of fol. 347(1 Oresmc attempts to explain 

variant readings of the garbled I .atin rendering of a 

(juotati 'in from Pindar. The original Greek, cited in 

full by Plato in the Republic I, 331a, means: "The old 

age ( of a good man) is cheered by a gentle companion 

who delights his heart; even by Hope herself, who 

bevotid ever ything else directs the capricious will of 

mortal men." \Vith minor variants, the Latin reads 

"ut Pindarus ait, tiulce enim sibi cur et spes iiiortahiutii 

niuhtiphicem voluntatem gubcrnat." Oresme.'s equivalent 

is:" And the hope of mortal mail many 

aspects of his will.' His gloss explains: ''Thus Pindar 

used to sa y . And this translates the reading of certain 

texts which have s/'es niortal'i'um, and the meaning is 

that the hope that people have in God governs their 

will. But other texts read s/n's unnmorfalimim, and this 

means that the hope that people have of obtaining illimortal 

rewards after death or the hope the y place in 

the immortal gods controls their will." The latter reading 

occurs iii time Parisian manuscript mentioned above 

and we ma y assume that other manuscripts now host 

read likewise. The important feature of the gloss is 

Oresme's mistaken acceptance of this reading and his 

derivation from it of his argument in favor of ''double 

felicity"—one for the body and title for the soul—a 

subject of frequent discussion ill theology. 

The gloss on Psalm 127: 2 to which he refers is, of 

course, from \Valafrid Straho's Glossaria ordinaria. 

In his final gloss (3481)) Oresme again complains 

that the Latin texts are corrupt, not without reason, if 

we read as lie did from a: ''I 'rol)ter qlae proprie et 

conuiiuniter decet iuste considerantes ad onines deos et 

hominess eum (flu z'rta;n lial'ef et multuni ad suani 

uxorem et flui is et parentes...As lie observes, con. 

qin vita;;: lmal'ef is not translatable ; however, b is clear 

at this point: ''Propter quae oportet specialiter et coinnnnmiter 

inste cogitalites ad onmnes cheos et homines 

vivere et multum ad suain uxorem et fmlios et pareiltes. 

Cf. \tirni. /','rr/ifi ii'ini 113: 1045.

lu. 1 1 l'ui,,i,uc d j jvt('. I1ihl. \Iunicipak (Ic Ronii. ,1! )?. f1. 427'. 

Version hv Laurent de Pretnieriait. See p. 799, col. 2. 

CI

VOL. 47, PT, 5, 19571 INTRODUCTION 799 

[Wherefore it behooves us to live with righteous 

thoughts towards all the gods and mankind generally 

and individually and especially towards our own wives 

and children and parents.]" The French reads: "Pour 

lesquelles choses it est bien convenable que Ic homme et 

sa femme considerent en proprc et en commun, justement 

et a toils, tant as diex comme as hommes et appartient 

que le homme, tant comme it a vie considere 

t pense moult de soy avoir justement a sa femme et a 

ses filz et lilies et a ses parens." Once again Oresme 

has straddled both versions, integrating a and b into a 

,ingle sentence and omitting only the words that are 

identical in each. Strangely enough, the resultant 

amalgamation is neither jumble nor confusion; the essential 

meaning is maintained and even reinforced by 

this marriage of the two versions together. 

From these representative samples we may conclude 

that Oresme was a conscientious translator, seeking 

earnestly to arrive at the correct French equivalent of 

iis Latin texts, of which he possessed a representative 

.election. To the modern scholar, the results of his 

1.1hors appear too often faulty and ineffectual. His 

weaknesses are sufficiently obvious; his lack of Greek 

and his consequent dependence upon Latin translations 

that were frequently barbarous in syntax and always 

dull in style; his ignorance of history and geography 

and his theological frame of reference constantly thrust 

forward. These constitute his principal weaknesses 

and they are all common to the scholarship of his time. 

Superficially, his methods of procedure parallel those 

still in use today and his limitations are due to the inadequacy 

of his working tools—the inaccuracies of his 

reference sources, the fallacious scholarship of long 

centuries before him and the natural bias of the professional 

theologian toward textual interpretation as a religious 

enterprise. Oresme's French commentaries or 

glosses were not leveled, like those of the Latin cornnientators, 

at the scholarly world of the universities; 

they were intended rather for the intelligent lay reader 

whose Latin was unequal to the difficulties of the original 

and whose interest was principally practical and 

utilitarian. The chief interest of his commentaries to- 

(lay is their revelation of the manner in which ancient 

concepts were interpreted for the feudal society of the 

fourteenth century by a distinguished contemporary 

mind. To the modern reader, Oresme's observations 

seem far too often pedantic. inadequate, repetitious. or 

superfluous; not infrequently they confuse rather than 

elucidate the meaning of the original. Yet, if we consider 

the state of scholarship in the fourteenth century 

and especially the limited learning possessed even by 

the very elite lay public whom Oresme addressed, we 

shall probably conclude that he performed his task with 

exceptional skill, discerning keenly the kind and quantity 

of interpretative help required by his contemporaries. 

If the intrusion of textual criticism strikes a 

jarring note and seems gratuitous in these works 

destined for popular consumption, it serves to demonstrate 

the translator's competence and guarantees authenticity. 

3. FORTUNES OF LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE 

Nicole Oresme was a notable precursor of the movement 

to disseminate learning through the medium of 

the vernacular languages. His translations from the 

Aristotelian corpus enriched the culture of his contemporaries 

and enjoyed wide circulation thereafter for 

nearly two centuries. They were not replaced until 

the sixteenth century, when French scholars were at 

length equipped to cope with the Greek originals. Exception 

must be made for the Yconomique of which a 

version plagiarized from Oresme was composed about 

1415 by Laurent de Premierfait for his patron Jean, 

due de Berry, a younger brother of Charles V. This 

version requires special mention here only because it 

has been sometimes confused with Oresme's Yconolnique, 

of which it is, in fact, a rambling and diffuse 

reinanic;ncnt, bearing the same title. The most striking 

instance of such confusion is certainly the attribution 

to Oresme of the Livre de Yconomique in the 

sumptuously executed manuscript, Rouen, Bibl. Municipale 

927, if. 427-441. This mistaken attribution began, 

indeed, with the execution of the manuscript for 

the éclicvins of the city of Rouen in 1452-1454, when 

Premierfait's version was substituted for Oresme's in 

this volume designed especially to honor the latter's 

memory for his long services as dean of Rouen Cathedral 

(1364-77). The volume contains, in the finest 

craftsmanship of the time, the Ethfques (if. 1-185) and 

the Politiques (if. 186-426) of Oresme; but the text 

of the Yconoinique is actually Premierfait's version, 

although this is nowhere indicated. In view of the intention 

of the échevins to honor Oresrne's memory, it 

can hardly be supposed that this was a conscious substitution. 

Stranger yet is the fact that this error passed 

unnoticed by the bibliographers until very recently .37 

For five hundred years the beautifully illumined Oresme 

memorial volume at Rouen was mistakenly reported to 

the learned world to contain the Ethiques, Poli/iques, 

and Yconomique of the famous dean of that city's 

cathedral church. 

A new French translation of the Economics from 

the Latin version of Books I and III, made for Cosimno 

de' Medici by Leonardo Bruni Aretino about 1425, was 

published in Paris by Wechel in 1532. This thin 

volume of fourteen leaves in gothic type, without gloss 

or commentary, was the work of a German student in 

Paris, one Sibert Louvenborch, who dedicated his ex- 

7 The story of this discovery is told by A. D. Menut, The 

French version of Aristotle's Economics in Rouen, Bibl. Muiiicipale, 

Ms. 927, Romance Philology 4 55-2, 1950. See fig. 1. 

""Les Econo,niques de Aristote tran.slatees nouuelleincnt du 

la/in en francoys, par Sibert Louucnboreh, Licencié es loix, 

demourant en la noble yule dc Coulongne, Paris, Chr. Wechel, 

1532.


cellent rendition to his German patron, a magistrate 

of Cologne, as evidence of his progress in the French 

tongue. The first French translation directly from the 

Greek seems to have been made by one Gabriel 

Bounin, 3 "advocat ii ]a cour de Parlement," whose 

initials "G. B." appear at the end of the letter dedicatory 

in a thin volume of sixteen folios in italic type published 

in Paris by \Tascosan in 1554. Oresme's Ycononiique 

had been published together with the Politiqucs 

in 1489, 10 and we shall examine this first printed 

edition at length in a later section (p. 804 ) - An 

anonymous version, newly translated from the Greek, 

appeared in 1661.' No further translations of the 

Economics appeared in French prior to the nineteenth 

century. 

4. VOCABULARY OF LE LIVRE I)E YCONOMIQUE 

Dealing as it does with the relativel y simple and practical 

matters of everyday, life, the Economics is not, like 

the Ethics and the Politics, replete with learned and 

technical terms for which no French equivalent existed 

in the language of the fourteenth century. Qrcsme 

was therefore able to minimize in the Yconomiquc the 

introduction of neologisms borrowed directl y fro m 

Greek and Latin such as characterize his other translations. 

Rather surprisingly, it is in the glosses that 

the learned borrowings appear most frequently. The 

reason for this fact is clear. The interpretation of 

the Yconotniquc is derived in no small degree from 

Oresme's intimate knowledge of the Politics and Ethics 

of which lie assumed it to be an authentic continuation; 

therefore he introduces the scientific terminology found 

Concerning Bounin (Bounyn, Bonnin), cf. Dictiozuiaire des 

letfrs françaises, xvi siècle, Paris, 1951, sub nornine. His 

translation of the Economics was erroneously included in La 

Mesnagerie d'Aristofc ci de Xenophon, c.a.d, la uzaniere de 

bien qouz'erucr tote farnille, fradzzicte du grcc en frazscois par 

fete Estienne de (a Boëtie ci misc en lurniere avec quciques Vers 

fran cots ci latins du dict La I3oëtic par Michel, sicur de 

Montaigne, Paris, Morel, 1600. As a result of this mistaken 

attribution, this Renaissance translation of the Economics was 

long credited to La Boétic; cf. J. E. Sandys, History of classical 

scholars/zip 1: 198, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1908. The attribution 

to Bouniii was first proposed by Emile Egger, Les (Economiques 

d'Aristotc et de Tliéophrastc . . . la traduction des 

Economiques d'Aristote attribuée a La Boétie, Ménzoircs de 

l'Acadé,nie des Inscriptions ci Belles-lettres 30: 459461, 1881 

it was confirmed by Paul Bonnefon, Esticune de La Boétie, 

uvres coin plètes, Bordeaux, 1892, where Botinin's version is 

reproduced in full, pp. 234-246. It is worth noting that Vascosan 

had previously published the first French translation of 

the Ethics directly from the Greek, by Philippe Le Plessis, 

Les Ethiques en françois (first five Books only), Paris, M. 

Vascosan, 1553; cf. A. D. Menut, A Renaissance translation 

of the Niconjachean Ethics ....Roman Ic Review 25: 39-44, 

1934. 

40 Le Livre de Politiques ci Yconomiques d'Aristotc, Paris, 

Vérard, 1489; if. 1-352c, Politiques; if. 353c-374a, Yconorniques. 

Concerning Vérard, cf. John MacFarlane, Antoine Vérord, 

London, 1900. 

41 Traitd de l'Economie par Arislote, nouvelle traduction, 

Paris, Alliot, 1661. 

in these works, which he had previously explained in 

his translations of them, assuming the reader to be 

already familiar with their meaning. This is implied 

in his statement at the end of the Ycononiique, where 

he refers the reader to the "Table of difficult words" 

appended to the Politiqnes,42 

In actual practice, however, Oresme occasionally 

modifies his postulate to the extent of adding by way 

of explanation a simple colloquial equivalent to a 

learned technical or abstract word or phrase. We 

have referred to this as "double translation" when it 

occurs in the translated text. Thus we find in the 

glosses: communile domcstique oil ostel ovedlues les 

appartenances (329d) ; culture on labeur (330c) ; excercitations 

ou labeurs (330(1) ; aggrestes ou courves 

et rudes (330(1) ; election et plaisance (le cuer (331c) 

contrarieté on varicté (332d) ; solicitude ou cure 

(332c) ; curateur oil procureur (3341)) ; inohediens ou 

injurieus (334d) ; debilité oil (335a) ; industrie 

conservative ou de garder (3361)) ; perturbent ou 

cmpeechent (337b) livree on distribution (337c) 

aliener oil fors (339b) ; adversités oil 

(340c) ; vconotnie on communication (loniestiqUe 

(340d1) ; n1(lucc et amoneste (341a) ; unanimité on 

concorde (346c1). Several learned words are not thus 

explained; with the exception of inetrijia (345(1) meaning 

"put into verse," they are all recurrent terms in the 

Ethiques or Politiques and are adequately explained in 

either one or both of these works.43 

In the translated text there are roughly twenty examples 

of direct transfers of the original Latin term 

into French. These calques, as they are called in 

French, are the following: georgica, la cure georgique 

(3301, end) ; sicut fabriles, cominc len cures on ars 

fabriles (330d) ; inipotentes, impotens (3321)) ; periodo, 

peryode (3321)) ; debilitatem, debilité (335a) pharniacia, 

farmacic (335c) ; expedit, est expedient (338a) 

elatio animi, elation de corage (339(1) ; in adversitatibus, 

en ses adversités (340c) ; procreationc libcrorum, procreation 

des enfans (340d) ; invenire participantes, 

trouver participans (3411)) ; nolunt cominunicare, ne 

veulent commun iquer (3411)) ; totius domus conservatores, 

conservateurs oil de toute ha maison 

(341(1) ; expectans, expectant oh attendant (342c) 

factum inimortalitatis participat, participe sun le fait 

(le immortalite on de perpetuite (342(1) ; existitnantem, 

estimation (343c) ; benignos rectores, benignes recteurs 

ott gouverneurs (344d) ; cohabitare, cohabiter (345d) 

unaninhitateni, unanimité (346c). Several of these 

calques are repeated in the course of the translation, 

From this 'Table' the following words are used in the 

Yconomiquc: ycononsie, monarchic, peryode, policic, politique, 

prince, prince)', Times. 

A partial list of such words: allegations (345h) ; acordables 

(341c) ; altercation (347c) ; aquisitive, conservative, ordinative, 

dispensatire (3361;) ; communication (333h) ; consonance 

(333a) ; dearticulé (331c) : denomination (341d) ; descordables 

(333d) ; dispcnsatcur (336a) ; dissimilitude (333a) ; inequalité 

(333a) ; inventoire (338a).

VOL 47, PT. 5, 19,571 INTRODUCTION 801 

some of them several times. A number of them, original 

with Oresme, have remained permanently in the 

French language; georgique, expedient, procreation, 

communiquer, participer, cohabiter, unanimité, 1riode, 

débilité. The word so perostateur (337a) appears to 

be Oresine's own creation of a learned equivalent for 

the Latin praeposilos, which has since assumed the 

form pre pose, meaning superintendent; it appears to 

be constructed from su/7erstare, to stand over. In general, 

the vocabulary of the Yconomique contains few 

neologisms and is of less linguistic interest than 

Oresme's other French writings. 

5. THE MANUSCRIPT COPIES AND THE PRINTED EDITION 

OF 1489 

In a gloss at the beginning of the Ycononlique (fol. 

329bc) Oresme divides moral science into three parts— 

ethics, economics, and politics, according to Aristotle's 

own classification as stated at the beginning of the 

Nico,nacheasr Ethics. Oresme explains the relation of 

these three parts to the whole in the following logical 

manner: ethics deals with the individual's mastery of 

himself alone; economics treats of man as manager of 

a family group; politics seeks to establish the science 

of managing communities of family groups or the art 

of governing cities. "Thus," says Oresme in substance, 

"according to logical order, ethics is the first, 

economics the secoll(l and politics the third division of 

moral science, and therefore Aristotle dealt first with 

ethics; he then proceeded, in the first Book of the 

Politics to treat of economics, "But," he goes on to explain, 

"in order to treat economics more fully and to 

supplement the discussion in the Politics, this Boob of 

Econoics m is placed after the latter work to clarify and 

perfect it." 

It is clear, then, that Oresnie regarded his Yconomiquc 

as a sequel to his Politiqucs and assumed 

that in so doing be was following the intention of 

Aristotle. However little this logically deduced supposition 

may accord with the historical facts as we 

know them today, it certainly does explain why we find 

each of the ten extant manuscript copies of the Yeanomique, 

as well as the unique printed edition of 1489, 

preserved together with the Polifiques and placed immediately 

after the latter work. Since there are eight 

additional manuscript copies of the Politiques unaccompanied 

by the Yco,toinique, it is apparent that 

Oresme's sense of the logical interdependence of the 

two treatises was not uniformly shared by others after 

him, even though the absence of the latter treatise may 

be due to wholly accidental circumstances. 

In the following paragraphs we describe the ten 

extant manuscript copies of the Livre de Ycononziquc 

and the \Térard edition of 1489, indicating the sigla 

" For convenience in comparing the several copies of the 

Yconomique with the corresponding companion copies of the 

Ethiques we have used here the same sigla as those employed 

in the description of the copies of the latter work in Maistre 

we shall use to identify these several copies in further 

references to them. 

A 

Avranches, Bihl. Municipale, Ms, 223. Parchment, 

360 if., 310 x 220 mm. Le Lirre de Folitiques if. 2c- 

328d, unique final redaction; Le Livre de Yconornique 

if. 329a-348c; seven glosses selected from Le Livre de 

Ethiques if. 350a-360a. The Yconomique is written 

in two columns of thirty-six lines—text in lettre de cour, 

glosses in small hdtarde; pages unnumbered; chapter 

headings in rubric, chapter initials in red and blue, no 

running titles. Both Politiqucs and Yconolnique in 

same hand; selections from Ethiques in different hand. 

Several sheets are badly stained and often difficult to 

read. This manuscript has been described in detail by 

Leopold Delisle, "Observations sur plusieurs mss. de 

la Politique et l'Economique de Nicole Oresme." BIN. 

de l'Ecoie de Chartes, fime serie, t. 5: 601-623, 1869. A 

presents the original text of the first redaction of the 

Yconomique plus the additions incorporated in the 

second redaction inserted as marginal notes. Two 

such marginal notes are found only in A (fol. 345d) 

Delisle assumed these unique additions to he in 

Oresme's own hand. Across the bottom of fol. 348cd: 

"Liber iste Politicorum est Henrici Oresme, junioris 

canonici Baiocensis." Delisle suggests (ibid., p. 614) 

that A is a personal copy of the Politiques and Yconomique 

belonging to Oresme and given by him to his 

nephew Henri Oresme, who was canon of Bayeux in 

1385. A came to Avranches from Mont Saint-Michel, 

where it may well have been obtained from nearby 

Bayeux. It was certainly written before Orcsme's 

death in 1382 and is one of the four oldest copies extant. 

It is of the same date approximately as B, M and V. 

Since A presents the original draft of the Ycono;nique 

and marginally all the modifications included in the 

second redaction plus two unique additions, it has 

been chosen for reproduction in the present edition. 

The language of A is strongly Norman in character. 

Latin U is retained uniformly in stint; -atus, -ala participles 

preceded by a palatal > -ic, in both genders: 

traiclie (329c), tronchie (3301)), lessie (332c) ; peior > 

piere (332d) ; iwt'eneni > Jenne (333d), les jennes 

homsnes (334b). The orthography of A is generally 

consistent; the dropping of final a in cc, de, ne, qua 

occurs but rarely, in le usually, before initial vowels; 

Ia. = le before initial vowels in polysyllabic feminines, 

ic ulilité (333a), but l'Escri/'ture regularly. 

Y 

BibI. Nationale. Ms. franc. 204. Parchment 584 if., 

428 x 320 mm. Politiques, if. 1-326b, third redaction; 

Yconomiques, 45 if. 326c-346c, second redaction; 

Nicole Oresme: Le Livre de E!hiqucs, 46-53, New York, 

Stcchcrt, 1940. 

45 The plural spelling is uniform in all copies with the exception 

of A.

802 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL, SOC. 

Ethiques, if. 347a-584h. Sumptuously illuminated 

manuscript in let tre de cour, two columns of thirty-eight 

lines. Miniatures, vignettes, gold and colored capitals; 

made for Charles V shortly before his death in 1380; 

given to his brother Louis d'Anjou, it was taken by 

him to Naples before 1384 and remained in Ital y until 

the beginning of the sixteenth century, when Louis XII 

brought it to Blois; it was returned to Paris in the 

eighteenth centur y. The V text of the Yconomique 

contains one important defect—the omission of an 

entire page of text, fol. 334b, Book I, ch. 6 (in A, fol. 

336bcd). Written with great care, V serves as a useful 

corrective for the occasional scribal errors in A. It 

is the best example of the second family of manuscripts 

of the Yconomique and has been selected to represent 

this family in the present edition. The language of V 

is the dialect of the lie de France. 

B 

Comte de Wasiers. Vellum, 396 if., 318 x 216 mm. 

Politiques, if. I-372c, first redaction; Yconomiqites, if. 

373a-3961j, first redaction. This beautiful manuscript, 

the oldest known copy of both works, was made for 

Charles V in 1373 by Raoulet d'Orliens or in his 

cabinet. Companion volume to the Ethiques in Brussels, 

Hihi. Royale, Ms. 2902, it was given, like V above, 

to Louis d'Anjou in 1380. It appears in an inventory 

of the library of the Duke of Burgundy at Dijon in 

1420 and in an inventory of 1467 of the library of the 

Count of Flanders at Bruges; it has been in the library 

of the Count of Wasiers at the Château du Sart, near 

Line, for the past century. Like the Brussels Ethiqu.es, 

the text is in two narrow columns of thirt y-five lines, 

with the glosses in the broad margins, framing the text 

on all four sides. The sumptuous miniatures in B 

served as models for the illumination of several later 

copies of both the Politiques and the Yconontique. 

Written in let ire de cour with great care, the few 

scribal errors are corrected at the bottom of the last 

page of each quaternion. The text of the Ycouonique in 

B is identical with C and Al: the language is that of the 

Ile de France. 

C 

BibI. Nationale, Ms. franc. 9106. Vellum, 379 if., 

360 x 250 mm. Pcilhtiques, if. 1-358a, first redaction; 

Ycononziques, if. 3584-379a, first redaction. Text and 

running commentary in two columns of forty-two lines 

each, in let/re de cour. Companion volume to Ethiques 

at Chantill y, Musée Condé, Ms. 227; tile miniatures en 

grisaille and the format are identical in style, although 

the sheets of C are somewhat larger, which doubtless 

explains the separation of the three works into two 

volumes for binding. C was executed for Louis, duc 

d'Orléans, in 1397-1398, who gave it to his uncle Jean, 

duc de Berry, whose signature appears on fol. 379a. 

C came to the Bibl. Nationale in 1792 from St. Médard 

de Soissons. Chronologically, C is the latest of the 

three manuscript copies of the Ycono;nique in the first 

redaction; its text is identical with B and M. In the 

present edition, C is used to represent all three copies 

of the first redaction. 

M 

Brussels, Bibi. Royale, Ms. 2901. Vellum. 403 if., 

225 >< 150 mm. Politiques, if. 1-363b, first redaction; 

Yconoiniques, if. 363c-387a, first redaction; "Table 

des notables" from the Polifiques, if. 338a-403c. Text 

and commentary in two columns of 41 lines ill tre de 

cour. Companion volume to the EIh?ques in The 

Hague, Museum Meermanno-\Vestreenianuni Ms. 10 

D-1. Like the latter fllatluscript. Al is of outstanding 

workmanship, with remarkable miniatures, ornamental 

initial capitals in gold and colors, with text in black 

and red. The small format of both volumes was specially 

designed to facilitate their being carried about by 

the king while traveling. Both volumes were written 

by Raouiet cl'Orliens, whose scribal artistr y was greatly 

admired by Charles V. Al is unique with respect to 

the placing of the "Table des notables," which in all 

other manuscript copies follows the Politiques, at the 

end of the Ycononiique. Al appears to have remained 

in the library of the Louvre until 1425, after which 

tinie it was continuously ill the library of the (hikes of 

Burgundy in Dijon until this famous collection was 

transferred to Brussels in 1830, where it became the 

core of the manuscript collection of the Bibliothéque 

Royale. The language of Al is lie de France French. 

X 

Chantilly. Musée Condé, Ms. 279. Parchment, 322 

if., 410 x 300 mm. Politiques, if. 1-304b, third redaction; 

Yconoiniques, if. 3041)-322d. second redaction. 

Text and commentary ill two columns of forty-four 

lines. The miniatures were never executed, but the 

spaces left for their insertion indicate that these were 

intended to be elaborate. Vignettes and gold and 

colored capitals. X was made for Charles d'Anjou, 

brother of "le bon roi René," about 144. It has 

been at Chantill y since 1654. Written in clear leftre 

courante, it bears at the end the signature of the scribe 

Sevestre Durant. The language of X is lie de France 

French. 

D 

I3ibl. Nationale. Ms. franc. 125. Parchment, 382 if., 

475 x 335 mm. Politiqucs, if, 1-360c, third redaction; 

Yconoiniques, if. 361a-382b, second redaction. Text 

and commentary in two columns of 46 lines. Lettre 

couranfe in excellent hand, wide margins; initials 

and miniatures not executed. Companion volume to 

Pihiques in BibI. Nationale. Ms. franc. 16962, made for 

Jacques d'Arniagnac between 1465-70. D came to the 

Bihliothèque Nationale from the library of St. Victor. 

The language is lie de France French.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 1937] INTRODUCTION 803 

E 

Bihi. Nationale, Ms. franc. 24279. Parchment and 

paper, 297 if.. 295 x 205 mm. Politiques, if. 1279v, 

third redaction; Ycono;niques, if. 280_297 r , second 

redaction. Text and commentary in full page of 

thirty-nine lines. Handwriting poor lettre bâtarde of 

early fifteenth century; chapter headings in red set in 

right hand margin; text and glosses indicated as 'Tex 

and Glo underscored in red; Latin passages generally 

underscored in red. Book initials in gold and colored 

capitals; frequent interlinear corrections of the carelessly 

written text. Explicit, fol. 297r: "Iste liher est 

Sti Victoris parisiensis." The language is Ile (le 

France French. 

F 

Bibi. 'Nationale, Ms. franc. 208. Parchment. 383 if., 

350 x 270 mm. Politiqies, if. 1-361d, third redaction; 

Yconomiqucs, if. 361c1-383a, second redaction. Text 

and commentary in two columns of 44 lines. Leltre 

cursive of early fifteenth century, gold and colored 

capitals, no miniatures in Yconomiques. F was among 

286 manuscripts given to the Bihliothèque Nationale in 

1732 b y Antoine Lancelot. The language is lie (IC 

France French. 

Jena, Universitäts-Bibliothek, Ms. Ill qallia, f 91. 

Parchment, 355 if., 340 x 250 mm. Polifiques, if., 1- 

3231), third redaction; Yconoiniques, if. 323c-355a, 

second redaction. Text and commentary in two columns 

of forty-one, forty-two lines. Lcttrc cursive of 

early fifteenth century, nine miniatures, gold and colored 

capitals. The miniature at the beginning of the 

Yconouuqucs is reproduced in Manuscrits francais a 

pei'nturcs des bibliothèques d'Alleniagne, ed. Leo S. 

Olschki, Geneva, 1932, Planche xxxiii; also in Walther 

Dexel, Untersuchunqen ii her die jranzosischen llwininierten 

Handschrif ten der Jenaer Universitäts-Biblioflick 

von Ende des 14. his zur Mitte des 15, Jahrhunderts, 

Strasshurg, Heitz. 1917, vi + 50 pp., p1. x. J 

belonged to the library of the counts of Nassau and was 

given to the University of Jena by the prince-elector 

Frederick the Magnanimous (1503-1554) at the time 

of the founding of the University in 1535. The language 

of J is Tie de France French. 

Lc Livre de Politiques d'Aristo/c, only printed edition 

of Oresme's Pol'itiqucs and Ycononziqucs, printed 

by G. Marchand for Antoine Vérard, Paris, 1489. 380 

if. in two columns of thirty-six lines, Gothic characters. 

text and commentary in sequence. Politiquc.r, if. 3a- 

352c, second redaction; Yconamiques, if. 353a-374a, 

second redaction; "Table des expositions des fors motz 

de Politiqucs," if. 374a-380c. Fol. 1 recto, half-title; 

verso, woodcut representing the king receiving volume 

from the translator, with the legend: "Le prologue du 

translateur du livre de politiques." This is a companion 

volume to Le Livre de Elhique.s-, published by Vérard 

in 1488. Ten of the twenty extant copies of this edition 

listed in the Gesamt Kalalog der Wiegendrucke, no. 

2449, are in French libraries; I have consulted the copy 

in the Morgan Library in New York. 46 The position 

of the "Table des fors motz de Politiques" following the 

Yconomiques is unique with I. This printed edition 

of the Ycononiiques is less satisfactory than any one of 

the ten extant manuscript copies by reason of the frequent 

omissions of words and the faulty readings and 

misspellings. A few examples of readings from A cornpared 

with parallel passages from I will demonstrate 

the inferior character of the latter text: A (329b) 

"adrecier les a bien et a vertu"; I "adrecier les a hien 

et advertir.' A "qui est meurs Ott acousturnance" ; I 

"qui est murs ou a acoustuniance." A (329d) "cause 

de ce que quelconques chose est et est faicte"; I "cause 

de quelconques choses est et est science." A (330a) 

"De maison est partie ce qu'a humain entendement et 

aussi possession est partie de maison"; I 'Se maison 

est partie de cite selon humain entendement aussi possession 

est partie de maison." A (3301)) "Elle est 

(licte georgi(ue ; I "cue est (licte yconomique." A 

(331a) "be et recommancle" ; I "lettre et recommande." 

A (331b) "Naturalissimuni enim operum in viventibus. 

Et ceteruin facere alterum quale ipsuru est" ; I 

"Naturallissimuui enim operum i uventibus, facere alterum." 

A (331b) "la compaignie (leulz est en communication. 

Glose. Et puisque celle operation est 

naturele et elle ne pent estre sans ceste communication, 

il s'ensuit que ceste communication est naturele"; I "la 

compaignie d'eulz est en communication ii s'ensuit que 

ceste communication est naturele." 

From the description of the extant texts of C)resme's 

Liz'rc dc Yconoinique we derive the following classification 

1st redaction: B, C, M. 

2nd redaction: D, E, F, I, J. X, V. 

Unique: A. 

If we discount the orthographic variants characteristic 

of the spelling habits of the different scribes and 

also their occasional lapses—omission of words, sentences 

or even entire pages—the manuscript copies of 

the Yconosniquc exhibit a remarkable degree of textual 

According to the Gesanit Kalalog, the present distribution 

of the Vérard edition is as follows Aix-en-Provence, Bibi. 

Méjanes; Blois, Bib!. Municipaic; Boulogne-sur-nier, Bihi. 

Municipale Carcassonne, Bib!. Mtinicipale; The Hague, Royal 

Library, Museum Mee rmanno- West reenianuni; Copenhagen 

Royal Library (imperfect); Lille, Bib!. Municipale; London, 

British Museum; Lyons, Bib]. i'.funicipalc; Munich, Staatbibliothek: 

Oxford, New College; Paris, Arsenal, Mazarinc, 

Bibi. Nationale, S" Genevieve; Salzburg, Stud. Bibliothek 

Stuttgart, Landesbibliothek; Vienna, Nazionalbibliothek; New 

York, Morgan Library.

804 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQIJE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

uniformity and their collation presents no special editorial 

problems. In all copies, the translated text is 

virtually identical. Copies of the first redaction differ 

from those of the second only by reason of a few additions 

to the glosses. No one of these additions is in 

itself important; taken together, they indicate that 

Oresme did revise his Livre de Yconomiquc slightly 

after presenting the work to Charles V in 1372 and 

certainly before the execution of V in 1380. In the 

meantime, B and M had been executed for Charles V 

and A had been copied, probably for Oresinc himself. 

In the margins of A the revisions for the second redaction 

were entered, again probably by Oresmc: two 

minor marginal additions (345a) in a different hand 

set A apart as unique among the manuscripts. Also 

unique in A is the arrangement of the textual material. 

The text of the first redaction occupies the two columns 

on each page, while the additions characteristic of the 

second redaction are found in the margins, a source of 

considerable editorial convenience since the differences 

between the two redactions can be seen at a glance. 

That A contains several minor scribal errors will be 

evident from the variants accompanying this edition. 

On occasion, B or Al offer satisfactory correctives, but 

more frequently it is Y, the oldest copy of the second 

redaction, that gives the best reading. C is the latest 

copy (1398) of the first redaction and is virtually 

identical with B and Al; we have used it as our check 

on the first redaction in the present edition. Of the six 

manuscript copies of the second redaction, V is both 

the oldest and the best of the family; J, later by some 

thirty years (ca. 1410), is only slightly inferior in 

execution and in correctness of text; E is carelessly 

written, the poorest of all the manuscript copies; F 

and X appear to be of approximatel y the same period, 

1430-1440, and are of equally mediocre merit. The 

youngest of the manuscript copies, D, follows closely 

the orthography of F and may have been copied from 

the latter. Because of its superiority in all respects, we 

have used V to represent the six manuscript copies of 

the second redaction in this edition. 

The printed edition, I, is textually inferior to the 

manuscript copies generally. It shows no affiliation 

with any one of these and must he assumed to represent 

a poor copy of the second redaction now lost. Many 

passages in I are so garbled by printer's errors as to be 

unintelligible. For editorial purposes, I is entirely 

useless. 

From this description of the extant copies of the 

Yconomique we may construct the following stenima: 

7T 1 772 A 

IABMCI I YJEFXDJ I 

7r 1 represents the lost original of the first redaction; 

represents the lost original of the second redaction 

and A represents the lost copy from which I was 

printed. It is unlikely that J F F X I) were copied 

from Y, since we know that V was taken to Italy soon 

after its execution in 1380. It is possible that F X and 

D were copied from J; I was not taken from F, since 

the latter retains the usual exprimec (329d, 330a), 

which I alters to a.prouvee; we must assume an independent 

source for I. A B Al and C appear to derive 

from a common source, with A showing several scribal 

errors and, most importantly, the marginal additions of 

the second redaction plus two very minor additions not 

found elsewhere.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 1957] INTRODUCTION 805 

ALBERT!, LEONE 1IATT!STA. 1908, I Libri della famiglia. Ed. 

Girolamo Mancini. Florence, Carncsccchi. 

Anonymous. 1661. Traité dc lEconomie par Aristote, nouvelle 

traduction du grec. Paris, Alliot. 

BARTH:LEMY DR BkIre.Es. Sec Langlois; Peltzcr; Prevost; 

Sudhoff. 

BONNEFON, PAUL. 1892. Estienne de La Boétie, ceuvres cornplètes. 

Bordeaux. 

BOUNIN (BOUNYN, BONNIN), GABRIEL, 1554. Les cono- 

V. REFERENCES 

miques d'Aristote, cad., la nianiere de bien gouverner 

une famille, nouvellement traduictes du grec en francois. 

Paris, M. Vascosan. 

BOUTILLIER, JEAN. 1491. La Somme rurale. Paris, Vérard 

BLUE, JEAN DE. 1879. Le boll hergcr. Ed. Paul Lacroix. 

Paris. 

BURIDAN, JEAN. See Faral; Moody. 

COOPLAND, GEORGE W. 1952. Nicole Orcsmc and the astrologers. 

A study of his Livre de divinacions. Cambridge, 

Harvard Univ. Press. 

COULTON, GEORGE G. 1955. Medieval panorama. New York, 

Meridian Books. 

CRESCENZI, PIETRO. 1486. Le Livre des prouffits champestres 

et ruraulx . . . translate depuis oil francois. 

Paris, Vérard. 

DEL!SLE, LI0P0LD. 1868-1881. Le Cabinet des manuscrits. 3 v. 

Paris, Imprimerie Impériale. 

-. 1874. Les Mandements dc Charles V. Paris, Imprimerie 

Nationale. 

1878. Observations sur plusieurs rnss. de la Politique 

et l'Economique tic Nicole Oresnic. Inventaire général 

et ,nétliothquc dc's mss. fran cais dc la Bibliothèque Nationale 

2. Paris, II. Champion. 

-. 1907. Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V. 2 v. 

Paris, H. Champion. 

DENOMY, ALEXANDER J. Sec Menut. 

DEXEL, WALTHER. 1917. Untersuchungen fiber (lie französischen 

illuniinierten Handschriften der Jenaer Universitäts-Bibliothek 

von Ende des 14, his zur Mitte des 15. 

Jahrhunderts. Strassburg. Heitz. 

Dictionnaire des lettres francaiscs, xvi siècle, Ed. Mgr. 

Georges Grente. 1951. Paris, Fayard. 

DUHEM, PIERRE. 1916. Le Système du monde 4. Paris, A. 

Herman et fils. 

EGGER, EraILE. 1881. Les Oeconomica d'Aristote et de Théophraste 

. . . la traduction des Economiques d'Aristote 

attribuée a La Boétie. Mémoires de I'Acadé,nie des 

Inscriptions et Belles-lettres 30: 459-461. 

ESTIENNE, CHARLES. 1564. Agriculture et maison rustique. 

Paris, J. Dupuys. 

FABER STAPULENSIS (Le Fèvrc cl'Etaples). 1506. Oeconomica 

Aristotelis. Paris, H. Estienne. 

FARAL, EDMOND. 1941. Jean Buridan, maitre ès arts de l'Université 

de Paris. IlLrtaire Iittéraire de la France 38: 

462-605. Paris, Imprimerie Nationale. 

HESIOD. 1936. Works and clays and Homeric hymns. Ed. 

with parallel English translation by H. G. Evelyn-White. 

Loch Classical Library. Cambridge, Harvard Univ. 

Press. 

LACOMBE, GEORGES. 1939-1956. Aristoteles Latinus. 2 v. 

Rome, Libreria dello Stato. 

LANGLOIS, CHARLES V. 1938. Barthélerny dc Bruges, maitre 

ès arts et en medecinc. Histoirc' littiraire de la France 

37: 238-250. Paris, Imprirnerie Nationale. 

LA TOUR-LANDRY, GEOFFREY DE. 1854. Le Livre du chevalier 

de Ia Tour Landry pour l'enseignernent de ses flues. 

Ed. A. de Montaiglon. Paris, Jannet. 

LE FaVRE D'ETAPLES. See Faber Stapulensis. 

LE PL.ESsIS, PHILIPPE. 1553. Les Ethiques en francoys. Paris, 

M. Vascosan. (First five only of tell Books.) 

LOLJUENBORCII, SIBEitT. 1532. Les U3conomiques de Aristote 

translatees nouvellement de latin en francoys. Paris, 

Chr. Wechel. 

MACFARLANE, JOHN, 1900. Antoine Vérard. London. 

MANDONNET, PIERRE. 1933. Albert le Grand et les Economiques 

d'Aristote. Archives d'Histoire doctrinale et 

littéraire du !noyen-aqe 8: 29-36. 

-. 1933. Guillaume de Moerbeke, traducteur des Econonhiques 

(1267). Archives d'Histoire doctrinale et littéraire 

du moyen-age 8: 9-29. 

Le MCnagier de Paris. 1846. Ed. Jérôme Pichon. 2 v. 

Paris, Techener. 

MENUT, ALBERT U. 1934. A Renaissance translation of the 

Nico,nacheau Ethics. Romanic Review 25: 39-44. 

-. 1940. Maistre Nicole Oresme: Le Livre de ethiques. 

New York, Stechert. 

1950. The French version of Aristotle's Economics in 

Rouen, Bib], dunicipale, Ms. 927. Romance Philology 

4: 55-62. 

MI.: NLr, ALBERT U., AND ALEXANDER J. Diosiv. 1941-1943. 

Maistre Nicole Oresme: Le Livre du ciel et du monde. 

Jl1'ediael'al Studies 3: 185-280; 4: 159-297; 5: 167-333. 

Also published in one volume, 1943, Toronto, Pontifical 

Institute of Mediaeval Studies. 

MEYER, PAUL. 1885. L'Enfant gãté devenu critninel. Romania 

14: 581-583. 

MOODY, ERNEST A. 1942. Ed. Johannis Buridani: Quaestiones 

super libris quattuor de coelo et mundo. Cambridge, 

Mediaeval Academy of America. 

Oeconomica. 1935. Ed. with parallel English translation by 

Cyril Armstrong. Loch Classical Library. Cambridge, 

Harvard Univ. Press. Pp. 321-424. 

OLSCIIKI, LEO S. 1932. Manuscrits francais C peintures des 

bibliothéques d'Ailemagne. Geneva, Olschki. 

ORESME, NICOLE. 1489. Le Livre de Politiques et Yconomiques. 

Paris, Vérard. 

-. See Mcnut. 

PEI.TZER, AUGIST. 1924. Un traducteur inconnu: Pedro Gallego. 

Miscellanea Francesco Ehrie 1: 407-456. Rome, 

Bihi. apostolica Vaticana. 

-. 1932. BarthClemy (IC Bruges. Dictionnaire d'hi.rtoirc 

et de geographic ecclésiastiques 6: cols. 985-988, Paris, 

Letouzey. 

PRCVOST, MARCEl., 1951. Barthélemy de Bruges. Prévost, 

Marcel and Robert D'Amat, Diction naire de biogra.phie 

fran çaise 5: sub no,nine. Paris, Letouzey et Ané. 

SANDYS, J. F. 1908. History of classical scholarship. 2 

Cambridge Univ. Press. 

SCHLEOEE., Orro. 1909. BeitrCge zur Untcrsuchungen fiber 

die Glauhwdrdigkcit der Bcispielsamnilung in den pseudoaristotclischen 

Oekonomika. Weimar. 

Scuual p :rER, J . A. 1954. History of economic analysis. New 

York, Oxford Univ. Press. 

SrkABo, WALAFR1D. 1868. Hortulus. Ed. P. Migne, Patrologia 

latina 114: cols. 1119-1130. Paris, Gamier frères. 

SUlIHoFF, KARL. 1912. Das Remedium epidemiae des Bartholomeus 

von Brügen. Archly für Geschichte der 

MedLin 5: 39-41.


SL'SEMIHL, FRANZ. 1870. Oeconomicorum, quae Aristoteli 

vulgo tribuuntur, libri prirni vetusta translatio latina. 

Berlin. 

1887. Aristotelis quac feruntur Oeconomica. Leipzig, 

Tcubner. 

SYMMACUS, AURELIus, 1883. Q. A. Symmachi, Quae supersunt. 

Ed. Otto Seeck. Berlin, \Vcidniann. 

VAN GRONINGEN, B. A. 1933. Le deuxièmc livre de I'Rconornique. 

Leyden. 

WALTER OF HENLEY. 1890. Husbandry, together with an 

anonymous husbandry, senechaussie, and Robert Grosseteste's 

Rules. Ed. Elizabeth Lamond. London, Royal 

Historical Society, 

WICKERSIIEIMER, ERNEST, 1936. Dictionnaire biographique des 

médecins en France au nloyen-âge. 2 v. Paris, Droz. 

XF:NOPHON. 1923. Memorabilia and Oeconomicus. Ed. with 

parallel English translation by E. C. Marcliaiit. Loeb 

Classical Library. London, Heinemann.

MAISTRE NICOLE ORESME 

LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE 

with an 

ENGLISH TRANSLATION 

ILE LJ\RE DE YCONOMIQUEI * THE BOOK OF ECONOMICS 

LIVRE I] 

(329a) Cy commence le livre appellé Yconomique, 

lequel composa Aristote et ouquel it determine de 

gouvernement de maison. Et contient ii. petis livres 

parcialz. On premier it determine generalment de 

toutes les parties de maison et de toutes les communications 

qul stint en maison. Et contient .vii. chapitres. / 

(329b) 1. Le f'renhier cha/'itre est le proheme, on ii 

met son intention et declare a neon-es choses qui sun-i a 

son pro pos. 

T. Yconomique et politique ne different pas seulement 

tant 1 comme different maison et cite, lesqueles 

clioses sunt les subjects ou les matieres de cestes 

sciences. 

G. Car maison est cc de quoi traicte yconomique et cite 

est cc de quol traicte politique. 

T. Mes ovequcs cc elles different en cc qtie politique 

est de pluseurs princes et yconomique est monarchic. 

G. Car si comme it apl)ert par Ic Viii.e chapitre du tiers 

de Poliliques, .iii. especes sunt de bonne policie. En one, 

ce est assavoir en royalme, ou un seul tient le souverain 

princey et est nionarche; et en chescune des .ii. autres, qui 

stint aristocracie et commune polici, pluseurs tiennent Ic 

princey. Ales en toute bonne yconomie un seul est seigneur. 

Et pour cc est cite dicte monarchic, de monos en grec, que 

est un; et de arciws, qu'est prince onseigneur et est cdliii 

qu l'en appelle en latin paterfamilias- Pour miex entendre 

cest livre len doit savoir ciue science morale est pour 

reguler les operations humaines voluntaires et pour adrecier 

les a bien et a vertu. Et de ceste science sunt .iii. parties. 

Une est dicte ethique, dc ethos en grec, qu'est incurs ou 

acoustumance; et (Ic ycos, quest science. Et aucuns l'appellent 

mottosfique, qu'est de monos en grec, qu'est on; et de 

yeas, qu'est science, non pas pource quelle soit dc vie solitaire, 

mes pource que par elle on homme se scet 2 gonverner 

absolument et generalnient // (3290 en tant comme 

hotnine 1 et non pas en especial, coinme partie de maison ou 

de cite. L'autre partie est dicte yconomique, de ycon en 

grec, que est ymage ou signe; et de nomos, qu'est regle; et 

de yeas, quest science. Car par dIe sait le principal dc la 

* Throughout the French text, superscript numbers refer to 

tOe textual emendations and variant readings, compiled oil 848. 

Black face numerals, followed by a, b, c, or d, have been inserted 

in parentheses to indicate the folio numbers and the 

columnar divisions in the Avranches Ms. 223. The single I 

indicates the end of a column, the double 1/ indicates the end 

of a page. Parallel passages in the accompanying English version 

are similarly indicated. 

807 

BOOK I 

(329a) Here begins the book called Economics, 

which Aristotle wrote and in which he sets forth the 

rules for household management. And it contains two 

short, separate books. In the first, he examines broadly 

all the parts of the household and all the interrelated 

divisions of a household. And it contains seven chapters. 

/ 

(329b) 1. The first chapter is the introduction, in 

which he states the purpose of his -investigation and 

clarifies certain matters pertinent to his project. 

T. Household management is different from statecraft 

not only as a household is different from a city— 

and these topics constitute the subject matter of these 

respective sciences, economics and politics. 

G. For economics treats of the household and politics 

deals with the city or state. 

T. But they differ also because politics is concerned 

with the shared authority of several rulers, while economics 

is concerned with one authority only. 

G. For as demonstrated in Politics 111. 4 [1279a 26 ff.],i 

there are three types of good government. In one, the 

kingdom, one man holds sovereign power and is the monarch. 

And in each of the other two types, that is, in an 

aristocracy and in a constitutional government, power is 

shared among several persons. But in every good household 

one man alone is master. And for this reason it is 

called a monarchy, from nio;ros in Greek, which is one; 

and from archos, which is prince or master and he is the 

one called paterfamilias iii Latin. To understand this book 

better, one should know that moral science seeks to regulate 

voluntary human activities and direct them towards 

the good and virtuous. There are three divisions of this 

science. One is called ethics, from ethos in Greek, which 

means mores or custom; and from vcos, which means science. 

And some call this monastic, which is from the 

1 Oresnies references to the Politics and Ft/ne: indicate the 

Books and chapters according to the divisions found in his 

translations of these works; the chapter numbers do not correspond 

with those commonly used in other editions. His references 

to the Ethics correspond with the chapter divisions in 

.tlaisfre Nicole Ores-me: Le Livre de Ethziqucs, ed. Menut, New 

York, Stechert. 1940, and have been retained here. His references 

to the Politics have been made to conform to the Book 

and chapter division commonly employed in modern editions, 

specifically to that found in An sf of/c. the Politics, ed. H. Rackham, 

Loch Classical Library, New York, Putnam, 1932, with 

the columnar references from I. Bekker's edition of the Greek 

text, Berlin, 1831. Oresme's chapter numeration has been retained 

in the French text.


maison faire signes et regles ou ordenances (le gouverner 

sa famille et soy on resgart de sa famille. La tierce partie 

est politique, (]ui est science de gouverner cites et 

grandes conimunités de laquelle est dit souffisanment ou 

Livre de Politiques. 

Item, selon ordre dc doctrine, ethiques est Ia premiere 

science morale et ycononnque la seconde et politique la 

tierce. Et pour cc, apres ethiques Aristote traicte de 

yconomique on premier livre de Politiques et traicte apres 

es autres de communication politique. Mes pour plus cornplectenient 

baillier cest science, cest iivre est apres Politiques 

aussi conime pour suppleement et pour declaration 

et perfection de ce que fu traicté ou premier livre de 

Politiqucs, combien que yconomique y soit souflisanment 

traictie en tant conime dIe resgarde politique. Et que cest 

livre soit apres Politiques ii appert par cc que sera dit plus 

a plain ou quint chapitre. Or avons donques en cest texte 

.ii. differences entre yconomique et politique. Apres ii met 

entre elles une convenience. 

T. Or est ainsi que des ars aucunes sunt distinctees 

telement qu'une meisme art ne fait pas la chose et use 

de la chose faicte, si comme stint la harpe et le flageol. 

G. Car une art est de faire la harpe et autre art est de 

user de dIe et de la sonner. 

T. Mes a pohtique appartient constituer et faire la 

cite des le commencement et user bien de elle apres cc 

qu'ellc est faicte. / (329d) Et appert aussi d'ycononuque 

que est art par quoi Fen pent acquerir et instituer 

maison et user de elle, 

G. Et donques Aristote ne prent pas ici cite ne maison 

pour le g edifices et pour les murs, car politique et yconomique 

ne stint pas ar s mecaniques ne de teles chases; nies 

ii prent cite pour communitC civile oveques les appartenances, 

jouxte ce que il dit ou premier chapitre du tiers de 

Politiques que cite est une multitude de citoiens. Et prent 

maison pour communité domestique ou de ostel oveques les 

appartenances. Et scion ce, ii enquiert apres quel ordre a 

yconomiquc a politique. 

T. Et donques cite est pluralitd de niaisons et de 

heritages et de possessions en hahundance de bien vivre. 

G. Ceste difuinition est tele en sentence comme celle qui 

est ou secunt chapitre du premier de Politiques. Apres ii 

la prove par .ii. raisons. 

T. Car il est certain que quant les gens ne pevent 

avoir ceste chose ]a comniunité 1 est dissolute et deifaicte. 

Greek nionos, meaning one; and from i,'cos, meaning science, 

not because it deals with individual life as opposed 

to life within the social group, but because through it a 

man knows how to govern himself absolutely and in general 

// (329c) as all person and not especially 

as a member of a household or as a citizen of the state. 

The second division is called economics, from Greek won, 

meaning image or conventional sign and froiti flomoS 

meaning rule or law; and from vco.c, meaning science. For 

by means of economics the master of the house is able to 

establish conventions and rulesor ordinances for governing 

his family and himself withrespect to his family. The 

third division is politics, which is the science of governing 

cities and large communities, of which enough has been 

said in the Politics. 

Thus, in logical order, ethics is the first of the moral 

sciences, economics the second and politics is the third. 

Therefore, after ethics, Aristotle treats of economics in the 

first hook of Politics and in the following books he treats 

of political life. But in order to present more fully the 

science of economics, this Book of Economics is placed 

alter Politics, as it were, to serve as a supplement and a 

clarification and perfection of that which was propounded 

in the first book of Politics, even though economics is sufficiently 

dealt with therein so far as it is related to politics. 

The fact that this Book of Economics belongs after the 

Politics will appear more fully front is stated in the 

fifth chapter. Thus we now have in the text two differences 

between economies and politics. He next points out 

a common relationship between them. 

T. Now, among the arts a distinction must be made 

between the fashioning of an object and the employment 

or use of it, as for instance a harp or a flute. 

C. For it requires one kind of skill to construct the 

harp and a very different skill to use it and make music 

on it. 

T. But it is the task of political science to construct 

and create the city from its beginning and to utilize it 

properly once it is built. / (329d) And it appears that 

economics is the art of acquiring and establishing a 

household and also of properly conducting its affairs. 

C. And thus Aristotle does not speak of a city or of a 

household in terms of buildings or walls, since politics and 

economics are not mechanical arts nor are they concerned 

with such matters. He considers a city rather as a civil 

community with its appurtenances as he stated in Politics 

III, 1 [1274b 33 if.] that a city is a multitude of citizens. 

And he takes the term household to mean a domestic unit 

or community with its appurtenances. Accordingly, he 

next enquires as to the sequential relation between economics 

and politics. 

T. Thus a city is an assemblage of households and of 

properties in land and personal possessions adequate for 

the needs of good living. 

C. This definition is identical with that given in Politics 

1, 1 [1252b 281. This is next proven by two arguments. 

T. For it is certain that when J)Col)lC cannot have 

these basic necessities for good living the bond of civil 

unity is dissolved and destroyed. 

C. Car en bonne policie les citoiens vivent bien selon C. For in a good political system the citizens live well 

verité et en nialvese policie ii vivent bien selon opinion; in fact, while in a bad political system they live well acet 

quant il ne pevent bien vivre ne selon verité ne selon cording to their opinion; and when they cannot live well

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 19571 ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 809 

opinion et aparance, Ia communication ne peut durer. Et 

donques bien vivre est requis a cite. 

T. Item, bien vivre est la cause pourquoi les gens 

conviennent et conversent ensemble. Et la chose qui est 

cause de cc que quciconques chose est et est laicte, celle 

chose est substance de cc de quoi cite est cause. 

G. Quant ii dit est la substance, cc est a dire qu'elIe est 

neccessaire a cc quc tele chose soit, et dolt estre exprimee 

en la diflInition de cue. Et donques bien vivre, qui est la 

principal cause pourquoi Fen // (330a) communique civilemerit, 

doit estre mis en la diffinition de cite. Apres ii 

conclut queue ordre ont ces sciences. 

T. Et pour cc appert qu'yconomique est premiere 

devant )olitique et son cevre aussi; car irtaison est partie 

de cite. 

G. Et donques yconomique precede politique pource que 

maison de quoi cite traicte est exprimee en la diffinition 

de cite dont traicte politique. Et aussi pource que maison 

est partie de cite et Ia partie precede Ic tout en ordre de 

generation, combien que Ic tout soit devant sa partie en 

ordre de perfection. 

T. Et donques convient veoir et considerer de yconomie 

et queue est Ic cevre dc elle. 

2. On secont chap itre ii met en general les parties matericks 

de niaison et traicte en especial de la partie appellee 

I possession. 

T. De maison est partie cc qu'a humain entendement 

et aussi possession est partie de maison. 

G, 11 entent par niaison communité domestiquc oveques 

les appartenances. 

T. Et comme ainsi soit que de chescune chose Ia nature 

est trouvee par cognoissance en ses parties tres 

petites, sernblablenient est ii de maison. 

G. Car de chescune chose qui est composee la cognoissance 

de ses parties la fait cognoistre et donques convient 

ii cognoistre les parties de maison. Et pour cc ii dit apres: 

T. Et de cc disoit tin appellé Esyodus qu'en maison 

convient que le seigneur soit premierement et la femme 

et Ic heuf qui are la terre. Et ceste chose, cc est assavoir 

ic beuf, est premierement pour grace et affin d'avoir 

nourrissement et l'autre chose, cc est la femme, est pour 

grace des en- / (330b) fans. 

G. Pour les concevoir et nourrir. Et si comme ii appert 

ou premier chapitre (IC Politiques, Ic beuf qui are est es 

povres gens en lieu (Ic ministre ou de serf. Et donques ces 

.iii. parties sunt neccessaires a meson q UelcOfl(IUe, tttnt soit 

petite ou povre, cc est assavoir Ic seigneur et sa femme et 

qui les serve. Car la femme ne dolt pas estre serve, si 

comme ii appert ou premier chapitre de Politiquc.r' Et 2 

se aucune de ces iii. choses defailloit en on hostel cc ne 

seroit pas maison complectement et proprenient scIon la 

premiere institution naturele, nies seroit matson iniparfecte 

ott dinilnute et conime chose mutilee et tronchie. Item, 

pluseurs autres choses et parties stint neccessaires ou con- 

either in fact or in their own opinion and estimation, their 

life together cannot endure. Therefore, good living is necessary 

to a city. 

T. Moreover, good living is the purpose for which 

people come together and live together. And that which 

is the cause of the existence of something or causes 

something to be (lone, this is the very essence of the 

thing of which it is the cause. 

G. When he says is the very essence, this means that it 

is actually necessary in order that the thing may exist, and 

it must he expressed in the definition of the thing. And 

therefore, good living, which is the major cause why people 

// (330a) live together in civil society, must be expressed 

in the definition of a city. Afterwards he concludes 

what is the sequential order of these fields of knowledge. 

T. Therefore, it appears that economics precedes 

politics and that its activities are prior in time, because 

the household is a part of the city. 

G. Thus economics precedes politics because the household 

with which it is concerned is expressed in the definition 

of a city, which is the concern of politics. And also 

because a household is a part of a city and the part precedes 

the whole in the process of generation, although the 

whole supersedes its part in the process of perfection. 

T. Therefore it is appropriate to consider the Subject 

of economics and to investigate its operations. 

2. In the second chapter he explains in general the material 

elements of the household and discusses particularly 

that part ca/led possessions. 

T. The component elements of a household are: (1) 

beings possessed of human understanding and (2) 

goods and chattels. 

G. By household he means the domestic community with 

the appurtenances. 

T. And since it is a rule that the nature of each thing 

is disclosed by a knowledge of its smallest parts, just 

so is it with respect to a household. 

G. Because a knowledge of the constituent parts of any 

complex thing provides a knowledge of the whole and thus 

we need to know the component parts of a household. 

Wherefore he goes on to say: 

T. And on this subject, a man by the name of Hesiod 

stated that a household requires first of all a master and 

then the wife and the ox to plow the land. And the 

last item, that is, the ox is primarily for the purpose of 

producing food and the wife is to provide children. / 

(330b) G. To give birth to them and to feed them. 

And as it is pointed out in Politics I, 1 [ 12521) 11, quoting 

Hesiod. Works and days. 4051, in it poor household, the ox 

that does the ploughing takes the place of a worker or serf. 

And thus these three items are essential to any household 

whatsoever, regardless of its size or wealth—that is, the 

master, the wife and someone to help them. For the wife 

must not be a servant, as is shown in Politics I, 1 [12521) 

1 1. 

And if anyone of these three things is lacking, the 

household would not be complete and perfect according to 

natural law, but would be imperfect and a miniature, as it 

were, a mutilated and truncated household. Several other

810 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

venables a meson, flies cestes stint les premieres et les plus 

principales. 

T. Et pour cc, it convient hien disposer et ordener 

hien les choses clui sunt quant a traicter de la femme ou 

du traicte de la femnie, ce est assavoir, queue die (bit 

estre faicte par bonne instruction et par enseignetnens. 

C. Et de cc sera dit ou secunt livre. 

T. lit de possession ]a premiere cure est celle qui est 

selon nature, lit celle est selon nature qui est laboratore, 

cc est assavoir, en lahourant Ia terre. lit la secunde 

est des choses que len trait de terre, si comme est 

Ia cure metallique, ce est a dire, des metalz et de telles 

choses. 

G. Car si comnie it aprt par le .x.° chapitre (]it premier 

de Poliliques, des possessions ou richeces les unes stint 

naturcies, si conime sunt les fruis de la terre; et les autres 

artiticicles, si comme or et argent et teles clioses. Apres 

it prove par .iii. raisons que Ia cure tie possession qui est 

en cultiventent de terre est Ia premiere. 

T. lit Ia cure georgique, cc est a dire, de culti- 

(330c) ver la terre. 

C. Eule est dicte georgiquc de ge en grec, qUC est terre; 

et de orge, qUc est culture ou labour. it scion cc, tin livre 

de Virgile est appellé Gcorgiques. 

T. list niaistnenicnt la premiere pource cjue dIe est 

juste; car elle lie est pas faicte par inhumanité ne par 

violence, si conime est Ia cure de acquisition, qui est 

par l)ataille on par guerre. 

C. lit un autre texte a sicuf hell ice et en lautre .cicut 

VCnalicc, si coinnie tie acquisition faicte par vener. lit tie 

est pas a entendre que it tie soit aucune acquisition par 

vener on par guerre qUl est juste. Car si cuiiniic it appert 

ou ix.' . chapitre du premier de P0/i iques, la prennere 

guerre e ust seioo nature est contre les bestes et contre 

aucuns hornnies. Ales toutesvoies, acquisition sans tele 

violence est plus juste et plus naturele et niesmcment par 

cuitiver la terre. si comnie it declare apres. 

T. Item, ceste cure ou acquisition est tic choses qui 

sunt scion nature, car a toutes choses leur nourrissenient 

est et vient naturelement de leur mere. Et pour 

cc donques vient nourrissement a honime de Ia terre. 

C. lit scion cc, les poetes appellent la terre la grande 

mere, si comme Virgille, qui dit : Salve magna parcns fruguuti 

saturnia telius. lit Ovide dit que les pierres sunt les 

os (Ic la grant mere laquelle est la terre: Magna parens 

terra est ; iapides in corpore terre ossa reor dici. Et en la 

Saincte Escripture est dit : Usque in diem sepulture in matrein 

(>TIlfliUflt. lit (louiques, aUSSi coninie l'enjant est ulinurri 

du lait de / (330d) sit mere, nature humaine est nounie ties 

fruis dc la terre et est chose natureie. 

T. Item, Ia cure de cultiver la terre confere et vault 

moult a Ia vertu de fortitude, car die tie est pas conime 

sunt les cures on ars fabriles, cc est a dire, de forgier ou 

de teiz fors mestiers qui flint les corps inutiles a fortitude. 

MCS ceste cure les fait puissans pour aler hors et 

items are required or desirable in a household; but these 

are the primary and principal elements. 

T. Thus it is necessary to establish the rules and 

regulations which deal with the role of the wife and 

her responsibilities, that is to say how she should be 

developed by good training and proper instruction. 

C. This will be discussed in the second Book. [Especially 

11, 3-6, q.v.] 

T. \Vith respect to goods and chattels, first consideration 

must be given to their use in accordance with 

nature's intentioti. And this natural intention is agricultural, 

that is, the cultivation of the land. And the 

second consideration concerns the things which are derived 

from the land such as, for example, the mining 

of metals and such things. 

C. For as shown in Politics I. 3 [1256b 401, certain 

goods or riches are natural, such as the fruits of the soil; 

others are artificial, like gold and silver and such. He now 

proves by three arguments that the primary function of 

goods and chattels is the cultivation of the land. 

T. And agriculture, or the georgic operation. . . . // 

(3300 C. Called georgic from ge in Greek, meaning 

land; and orge, meaning cultivation or tilling of the soil. 

Thus a book by Vcrgil is called the Georgics. 

T. Is actuall y the primary occupation, because it is 

honest and just, being free from the inhumanity and 

violence which characterize the acquisition of wealth by 

battle or by war. 

C. A different text reads sicut be/lice = by means of 

war, and another reads sicut venatice, the acquisition of 

wealth by hunting. It is not to be construed that no acquisition 

of wealth by hunting or by war is honest or just. For 

as shown in Politics 1, 3 11256b 23], the first and most just 

of natural conflicts is against wild animals and against certain 

men. However, acquisition without violence is more 

just and natural, especially through the cultivation of the 

land, as he states later. 

T. This occupation or this acquisition of wealth is 

concerned with things which are natural, for the sustenance 

of all things is naturally derived from their 

mother. And therefore itiati receives his sustenance 

from the earth. 

C. And accordingly, the poets call the earth the great 

mother; for example, Vergil, who says: "Hail, great 

mother Earth, fruitful (laughter of Saturn" [Georgics II, 

173]. And Ovid states that stones are the]-)ones of the 

great mother who is the Earth : "The earth is our Great 

Mother; the stones are the hones of her body, or so I believe" 

[Me/ant. I. 3931. And in Holy Scripture it is 

stated: "Until the da y of our burial in the mother of all 

things" LEcclicus 40: 1]. Therefore, just as the child is 

n. uti sited on its mother's milk, / (330d) so mankind is 

nourished by tIme earth and this is a natural timing. 

T. For the occupation of land cultivation enhances 

one's fortitude, since it is not like the occupations or 

arts of industry, that is, of the forge or such heavy 

trades which render the bod y unfit for fortitude. But 

this occupation makes the body strong for outdoor life


pour labourer et plus puissans a soustenir perilz contrc 

les ennemis ou adversaires. 

G. .111. nianieres de nourrissemens et de excercitations 

ou labeurs sunt. Car aUCUnS sunt nourris trop delicativenient 

et trop en repos; et par cc sunt effeminés, mols et 

febles et inutiles as armes. Et les autres sunt tiourris trop 

durernent et en trop lots labeurs; Ct par cc stint salvages et 

aggrestes ou courves et rudes ou liebles et inuiabiles a bons 

fais d'armes. Mes les autres, qui sunt nourris et excercités 

moiennement, sunt habiles a hien. Et es pals ou les terres 

ne sunt trop fortes a labourer par arer ou par becliier, les 

cultiveurs des terres entre les autres multitudes populaires 

sunt plus telz coninie dit est. Et selon cc dit Plinius ou 

.xviii," livre que tres fors hotnines et tres vaillans chevaliers 

sunt engendrés de cultiveurs de terre et qui pensent tres peu 

de nial. Item, ii appert par le quart chapitre du .vi.' de 

Politiques comment telz gens stint moms rnacliinatifs, moms 

convoiteus, moms arnbitieus et plus obeissans que quelconque 

autre multitude populaire. Et pour cc. Virgille ou 

secont Iivre (le Georgiques descript, // (331a) be et recornniande 

moult la vie et l'estat dcz cultiveurs de terre: 0 fortunatos 

nirnium sua si bona norint agricolas. Et donques 

raisonnablernent ceste cure on acquisition est la premiere; 

car die est juste, elle est naturele, elle dispose a bien. 

T. Et de ces choses oil les possessions sunt 

tant settlement hors Ia maison. 

G. Cc est assavoir, les terres labourables et les niinieres 

ou quarrieres. Et par cc ii denote que autres possessions 

sunt dedens Ia maison dont il dira apres. 

3. Ott tiers chapitre ii determine de communication de 

manage. 

T. As homilies la premiere cure doit estre a chescun 

de sa femme on espouse. 

G. Car apres le seigneur, la femme est la premiere 

comme conipamgne. Secundement sunt les enfans et tiercenient 

les serfs et les possessions. Apres il declaire que ceste 

cure doit estre premiere pour .vi. conditions qui sunt en 

communication nupcial (le homme a femme plus que en 

autre communication domestique ; car elle est naturele, raisonnable, 

amiable, profectable, divine et convenable. 

T. Car mesniement et devant toutes, la communication 

de la femelle et du masle ensemble est naturelenient. 

Car nous SUI)POSOflS par ce que nous avons dit en autres 

livres. 

C. Cc est assavoir, on secunt livre de l'Ame et ou Liz're 

de Generation ci corruption et ou secunt livre de Ia Generation, 

des bestes. 

T. Que nature affete et desire a mvrer I mont de 

choses de ceste maniere. 

G. Cc est assavoir, pluseurs supposts tels comme pete et 

mere par generation, joux- / (331b) te cc que dit l'Escripture 

: Crescite et niultiplicarnini, etc. Et est dit ou secunt 

de l'Ame qiie cc est chose tres naturele: Naturalissirnum 

enini operum inventibus. Et ceterum facere alteruni, quale 

ipsum est. Et a cc honimes et bestcs ont appetit naturel. 

T. Si comme a chescune des autres bestes. Et 

toutesvoies, cc est impossible que la femelle sans le masle 

et que Ic masle sans la femelle face ceste chose. 

and for work in the fields and more powerful to resist 

danger from the enemy or from adversaries. 

G. There are three kinds of training and exercises or 

work. For some people are raised too delicately and too 

free from activity and are thus rendered effeminate, soft 

and weak and useless in military life. Others are raised 

too harshly, burdened with too great physical labor and 

thus they become uncouth and rustic or bent and coarse or 

weak and unable to perform feats of arms well. But those 

who are raised and trained with reasonable measure are 

capable of good deeds. And in the regions where the land 

is not too difficult to work by plowing or spading, those 

among the populace who till the soil are rather likethose 

just described. Accordingly, Pliny in his eighteenth Book 

says that strong, right-thinking men and valiant knights 

are born from cultivators of the land [Natural history 

XVIII, vi, 26, citing Cato]. Also in Politics VI, 2 11318h 

10 if.] it appears that such men are less scheming, less 

anihitious, less envious, and more obedient than any other 

segment of the populace. And for this reason, Virgil in 

the second Book of the Georgics [II, 458] describes, 1/ 

(331a) praises and recommends highly the life and station 

of the cultivators of the land: "Did they but know their 

happiness, all truly, too favored the farmers are." Thus 

this occupation or means of acquiring wealth stands first 

for it is honorable, natural, and it disposes men toward the 

good. 

T. And these occupations are concerned only with 

goods and chattels outside the house. 

C. That is, with tillable lands, mines or quarries. Thus 

lie implies that other possessions of which he will speak 

presently are inside the house. 

3. In the third chapter he considers the relationship of 

husband and wife. 

T. The first concern of every man must be his wife 

or spouse. 

C. Because next to the master, the wife as his companion 

holds first place. The children come second and 

the slaves and possessions third. He next points out that 

this concern should be primary because of six conditions 

which exist in the relationship of husband to wife more 

than in any other domestic relationship; (1) because it is 

natural, (2) rational, (3) amiable, (4) profitable, (5) 

divine, and (6) in keeping with social conventions. 

T. For surely, the tie between female and male together 

is a natural one. And we assume in what we 

have said in other treatises. 

G. For example, in On the soul II [4, 415a 28], in 

Generation and corruption [I, 4, 319b 5 if.] and in the 

Generation of animals II [1, 731b 18 if.]. 

T. That nature affects and desires to accomplish 

many things in this manner. 

G. That is, several agents such as father and mother by 

generation / (331b) as the Scripture states: Grow and 

multiply, etc. [Gen. 1: 28]. And in the second Book of 

On the soul [ibid.] this is called a very natural thing: "It 

is a most natural activity among created things to seek to 

make another creature like unto themselves." And both 

men and animals have a natural appetite for this. 

T. As is the case with each of the other animals. 

However, neither the female without the male nor the 

male without the female can accomplish this.

812 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQITE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

G. Ce est inh1)os'il)ie par nature, mes non pas quant a la 

puissance divine, qul est par dessus nature. 

T. Et pour cc, de neccessité la societe et compaignie 

d'eulz est en communication. 

G. Et puisquc cellc operation est naturele et elle tie pent 

estre sans ceste communication, ii S'ensuit (IUC ceste COmniunication 

est naturele. Ft pour cc dit ]a lay ou coinniencement 

des Digesics que niariage est droit naturel: Jus 

naturale est mariti et femine conjunctio, quani 1105 matrinioniuni 

appellamus. Et cc est a entendre que manage est 

naturel non pus de neccessité de nature aussi conmnme le feu 

art, mes nature encline a cc et volcnté l'accomplist. Et 

autrement ques bestes mues, si connie ii appert tantost 

apres par la seconde condition. 

T. Item, es autres bestes ceste chose est Sans raison 

ou sans entcndement et settlement pour grace et afin 

de procreer lignie en tant comnie cues participent de 

nature. Ales es homnies et es bestes plus prudentes 

ceste chose est plus dearticulee, 

G. Et donques preinierenment, en nature humaimie ceste 

communication est par nature et par raison. Et // (331c) 

ainsi nature, commune a homme et a bestes et nature propre 

a homme, laquelie est raison, enclinent homnie a cc. Ft par 

consequent, cue est plus nattirele en nature huntaine que en 

autre espece. Item, cue est plus dearticulee; car les autres 

bestes habitent indifferentement en tine espece, Ic masie et 

la fenmdlle sans election et sans usage de raison. Ales il 

avient souvent que .ii. jennes germs, homme et femnie, 

aiment iuii l'autre en especial par election et plaisancc de 

cuer et de aniour qui est oveques usage de raison, coimihien 

que aucune fois cue ne soit pas selon droite raison. Ft 

scion cc, Ovide fist mm livre de art de tele amour, ]aquele 

tie est oiLS entre les bestes nines. Ft aucune fois est chaste 

amour et prepare a niariage ou est en manage. Ft se 

peché est en die, cc cst vice humain. Ales aler indifferenment 

a quelconques sans autre amour que pour acomplir sa 

concupiscence, cc est vice bestial. Item, cncor cst ceste 

conmmunication autrement dearticulee; parce que scion raison 

naturele, mmmi seul doit avoir tine scule, si connie il apl)ert 

par Ic .xxxviii. chapitre du .vii, de I'oli/iqucs. Ft 

cloivent estre dun estat et condition on pres et non pas procheins 

(IC lignage, Si conmnic ii appert par Ic quart chapitre 

de I'oliliqucs. Et teles choses tie stint pas entre les bcstes 

nines. Item, (Ic Ce que ii dit ou texte : !?t Ics bestes plus 

prude it/cs, si comumme par aventurc les tourtres ou semblabies 

qui ont ceste communication plus dearticulee quc les au- / 

(331d) tres et ii ne est pas a entendre qu'il aient vraie prudence, 

qUi est tine vertu; nies dIes 1 sunt clictes prudentes 

par similitude et improprement. Apres ii met que ceste 

communication est an)iabie. 

T. Item, en communication de niasle et de femelle 

generalement apparoissent plus les aides que il funt l'un 

a l'autre et les cooperations que ii funt et cevrent ensemble. 

G. Si connie nous veons de aucuns oiseaus qui s'entreaident 

a faire leur niz et a nourrir leur petis oysclés. 

T. Ales toutesvoies, teles choses apparoissent plus en 

nature humaine; car Ic masle et la femelle funt leur 

operations et funt l'un lxir l'autre non pas settlement 

pour grace ci afin de estre on de vivre times pour grace et 

aim de bien estre et de bien vivre. 

C. This is impossible naturally, but not with respect to 

divine power, which is above nature. 

T. So their social companionship necessarily consists 

in living together. 

C. And since this sexual union is natural and it cannot 

exist without living togethcT, it follows that hying together 

is natural. And therefore the law is stated at the 

beginning of time Digests [I. 9, 11 that marriage is a natural 

law: 'It is a law of nature that husband and wife he 

joined together in what we call matrimon y." This is to 

he understood to mean that marriage is natural not of necessity 

in the manner that a fire burns, but rather that hatune 

inclines to marriage and the human will accomplishes 

it. And this in a different manner from time case with 

dumb animals, as will appear in the second condition. 

T. Among the other animals this activity is irrational 

or without understanding and merely for the 

purpose of perpetuating the species inasmuch as they 

are a part of nature. But with men and the more 

provident animals, sexual activity is more deliberate. 

G. Thus in the first place, this act of living together is 

in accordance with nature and with reason in time case of 

human beings. // (331c) And therefore time common nature 

of men and of animals and man's own nature, which 

is reason, incline human beings to this activity. Consequently 

it is more natural to human nature than to the 

other species. It is also more deliberate in man. For the 

oilier animals cohabit indifferently within their species, 

male arid fenmale, without selectivity and without the use 

of reason. But it often happens that two young people, 

man and woman, love each other by special choice from a 

feeling of joy in their hearts, with a love that is accoimipaumied 

by reason, even though it nm;Iy sometimes happen 

to be without correct reason. Accordingly, Ovid wrote a 

book on the art of this kind of love, which does not exist 

between dumb amminials. Sometimes this love is chaste and 

prepares for marriage or exists in marriage and if there 

is sin in it, it is a human sin. But to approach any-one at 

all with no oilier desire than the fulfillment of one's sexual 

tinge, this is a bestial sin. This companionship is also furtimer 

delimited because, according to natural reason, a man 

should possess only one woman and vice versa, as is stated 

in Politics Vi! [uS, 1336a 39 if.] and both should be of 

approximately the same status or condition and not of close 

lineage, as is indicated in Politics I, 2 [1254a 18 if.]. Such 

a situation does not exist among the dumb animals. Regarding 

the statement jim his text: "And time most provident 

animals .....for example, turtle-doves and similar animals 

reveal a more deliberative attitude than the others. / 

(331d) This should not be taken to mean that they possess 

true prudence, which isavirtue; but they are called prudent 

or provident by analogy, though not properly so. He 

next indicates that this living together is a pleasant existence. 

T. When man and woman live together one observes 

how frequently they assist each other and cooperate 

and work together. 

C. Just as we notice that certain birds help each other 

in building their nest and in feeding their little ones. 

T. However, in the human species examples of this 

cooperation are most evident. For the man and the 

woman perform their duties and help each other not 

only for their well-being and for their common welfare.


C. c:'t assavoir, selan vertu en amisté de manage, 

laquelle comprent tautes les causes et especes de aitiisté, 

Si coinme it appert par le .xvii. chapitre de le.viii. 

d'Etltiqucs. Car elle a en soi bien utile et bien delectable 

et bien de vertu et double delectation; cc est assavoir, 

charnele et vertueuse ou sensitive et intellective. Item, 

ceste amisté est singuliere, car dIe est entre un seul et tine 

settle, Si coninie (lit est. Et appert par les raisons qui 

furent touchies ou .xvii.° chapitre de le.viii. d'Ethiques. 

Et se aucuns out cues pluseurs feinnies, cc estoit paur oportunité 

de multiplication de lignie ou par dispensation divine 

on hors droit convenable a nature humaine. Item, ceste 

atitisté est pernianente et estahie et sans departe- // (332a) 

nient, si coinme it appert par le. xxxvi, chapitre du Mi." 

de I'olitiques. Et est jauxte cc que dit l'Escripture Quos 

Dens conjUnxit, lioiiio ' non separet. Item, dIe est tres 

grande, Si conime denote l'Escripture on livre des Rays, en 

disant qe Jonathas cstoit plus amiable que femnie Amabilis 

super amorem niulierum. Et Ic Sage (lit ainsi : Species 

mulienis exhilarat faciem viri sui. lt super omnem 

cuncupiscenciam Iioniinis superducet desidenium ( Ecclesiastici 

,xxxvi.°) Item, (IC lamour prece(lente dunt est 

parlé devant (lit que Jacob servi .vii. ans pour l'aiiiour de 

Rachel et mi sembloit Ic temps brief pour laniour qui estoit 

grande. lit scIon l'Lscripture, pour CC lessera un 

honime pere et mere et se aherdra a sa feninie. Car 

l'Apostle comniande que chescun aime sa femme comnie soy 

meisnie. Item, encor appert parcc que nature mist delectation 

de couple charnel es bestes tant settlement pour cause 

et a6n (le generation ; nies cile mist es gcns tele delectation 

pour la cause desus dicte et pour acrestre et continuer et 

garder aniisté entre honinie et femme. Et de cc est signe 

cc quc dit Plinius : (tue nulle femelle depuis que elle a conceu 

et est prenante tie appete tel couple charnel fors tant 

senlement fennite. Item, la plus grande unite est cause de 

plus grande amisté. lit pour cc fit ou quart chapitre 

du secunt de Politiqucs que .ii. ainis desirent estre UflC 

chose. Or peut Yen dire que le niari et la feninie sunt plus 

pres de utiitC clue niasle et fenielle en autre espece pource 

que Ia premiere feninie fu forniee de la caste de son man 

et lie fit ainsi de autres bestes. Et pour cc (lit l'Escripture 

que les manes sunt .ii. en unc char. Or avons 

donques comment ceste communication est amiable. Apres 

it met comment dIe est profictable. 

T. Item, Ia nature des fllz ne est pas / (332b) seulement 

pour cc l'anunistrenicnt de nature. 

G. Si comme es bestes asquelles nature iiiinistre lignie 

seulement pour continuation des especes. 

T. Mes ovecques cc, cile est pour cause de unite ou 

de profit. Car cc que les parens qtiant ii estoient puissans 

ont fait on firent a leur enfans quant ii estoient 

impotens, ii reportent dc cc et reçoivent de rechief le 

profit en leur vicliece qitant it sunt I aiz impotens. 

C. Car si comme it peut apparoir par Ic .xxiiii.° chapitre 

(lU .vii. d'Etliiques, Ics enfans communelnient ant mestier 

de leur parens tant pour nournissement comme pour doetrine 

siques an temps ou pres que les parens ant mestier de 

laide de leur enfans pour cause de fieblece Ct de impotence. 

lit ces aides oil des parens as enfans et des enifans as 

parens ne pevent bonnement estre fais se les parens ne sunt 

ensemble par manage ou out esté. Et donques ceste corn- 

C. That is, virtuously as in married friendship, which 

includes all the causes and kinds of friendship as stated in 

Ethics VIII, 17. For this friendship comprises at once the 

goad of usefulness, the good of pleasure, and the good of 

virtue and double enjoyment—that is, both the carnal and 

the virtuous or the sensual and the intellectual pleasures. 

This friendship exists between two individuals only; for it 

concerns but one man and one woman as we have said and 

this is clear from the reasons indicated in Ethics VIII, 17. 

And if sonic men have had several wives, this was to provide 

an increase in progeny or by divine dispensation or 

against the natural law applicable to human beings. This 

friendship is, moreover, permanent and stable and is not to 

he broken. // (332a) as pointed out in Politics VII, 14 

11335b 39 if.]. It accords with the injunction of Scripture; 

"\\lioni God hath joined together let no man put 

asunder" [Matt. 19: 6 1. Such a friendship is extremely 

great, as the Scripture notes in the Book of Kings, where 

it says that Jonathan was more lovable than women 

Thy love to me was wonderful, passing the love of 

woitien'' III Sam. 1: 261. And Solomon states it thus: 

The beauty of woman brightens the countenance of tier 

husband and excels every delight of the eye." Ecciesiasticus 

XX XVI [24]. It is said of this love of which we are 

now speaking that Jacob served seven years for the love of 

Rachel and the time seemed short because of the greatness 

of his love [Gen. 29: 181. And the Scripture states that 

a man willleave his father and mother for this hove of 

woman and will cleave to his wife [Gen. 2: 26]. And the 

Apostle Paul commands that each man love his wife as 

himself lEph. 5: 28]. This is also clear from the fact that 

nature granted carnal pleasures to the animals only for the 

purpose of reproduction: but it accorded the human species 

this pleasure not only for reproduction of its kind but also 

to enhance and maintain friendship between man and 

womitati. This is implied iii Pliny's statement that no female, 

after she has become pregnant, seeks sexual union, 

except woman only [Nat. hist. VII, 5]. And this greater 

unity is a cause of greater friendship. This explains the 

statement in Politics II, 1 112621) 12 if.], that two friends 

desire to become a single being. Thus we may say that 

husband and wife are more nearly a unit than the male and 

female of other species because the first woman was fortiied 

front rib of lien husband and this was not the case with 

the other animals. For this reason, Scripture says that a 

married couple is two persons in a single skill 2: 24]. 

Thus we may now perceive how this life of husband and 

wife together is based uputi friendship. Next lie points 

out in what respect it is profitable. 

T. But it is not natural that children should exist 

(332b) merely to pay man's debt to nature. 

C. As is the case with :iniiti:tIs, to which nature affords 

progeny only for the maintenance of the species. 

T. But in addition, children exist for the sake of 

unity or profit. For what the parents, while they had 

their strength, have clone for their offspring while the 

latter were unable to help themselves, this they are repaid 

and profit by in their old age, when they have be- 

conic old and feeble. 

C. Because, as max' he seen in Politics VII, 14 [1335a 

2] , children usually need their parents for both sustenance 

and instruction up to the time approximately when the 

parents need the children's help because of weakness and 

infirmity. And this assistance or profit given by parents 

to their offspring and by these latter to their parents cannot 

be accomplished unless the parents are living in wedlock 

or have been so living. Thus this manner of living


munication est profictable. Apres it met comment die est 

divine. 

7'. Item, oveques cc nature par ceste peryode ou par 

ceste circulation de generation reemplist et continue 

tousj ours estre. 

G. Cc est a dire que par cc dure tousjours espece humaine. 

Et par pervade est a entendre continuation de generation. 

Et est dit de per' ell qui est environ ou circuite; 

et dc odos, qui est voie. Car ceste communication 

de generation est causee souz Dieu de ]a circulation ou 

movement du ciel. Et aussi pervade signifie le tenips ou 

la duration dune chose. 

T. Et pource que .// (332c) nature ne pent pas faire 

que chescun par nombre oil nomhre dure tousjours, 

toutesvoies cIte fait la continuation par espcce ou en 

espece. 

C. Car chescune chose appete naturelrnent Ia continuation 

de son estre. Et nature ne pcut pas faire un honime 

tousjours vivre et pour cc, cUe continue Ic cstre et la nature 

d'un homme en son semblable en espece par generation. 

Et est selon l'Escripture qui dit que le pere mort est 

aussi comme Sc it ne fust pas mort; car ii a lessic son Iilz 

senthiable a mi : Mortuus est pater illius, et quasi non est 1 

rnortuus ; sirnilem enim sibi relinquit post Se. Etsi comnie 

dit Aristote ou secunt livie de l'Ame, ainsi est it de toutes 

choses vivantes afin queUes participent en estre perpetuel 

et divin et immortel selon cc que dIes pcvdnt. Ft ce dit 

Aristote pource que perpctuite et iniinortaiité sunt chose,,; 

divines. 

T. Et en ceste maniere Ia nature (IC Fun et de l'autre, 

cc est assavoir, du masle et (IC la femclle fu (levant 

ordenee on preordeiiee de chose divine ott (IC par Dieu 

• communication. 

C. Et lucismement en nature humaine, de laquelle Dieu 

• especial solicitude et cure. Ft donqucs selon le Philosophe, 

niariage est de divine ordenance et se acorde a cc 

que dit Nostre Salveur. quc Dieu fist ceste conjunction 

Quod ergo Deus conjunxit, etc. Et aussi it fu né en 

manage et fu present as noces Ia ou it fist Ic commencement 

dc ses signes par un gracieus et joycus miracle en 

muant Venue en bon yin. Et par cc it approva manage 

comnie chose saincte, laquele Dieu benc des In / (332d) 

premiere creation: Masculuni et feminam creavit eos et 

benedixit illis. Et est manage un sacrement et (lonques est 

cc chose divine. Apres it met comment cc est convenable 

chose. 

T. Item, it convient que toutes les choses prinses on 

requises a ceste chose aient vertu profectable et convenable 

a die. Mes auctines de cestez vertus on puissances 

sunt a choses contraires et toutesvoies, elles sunt 

convenientes ou convenahies a une chose. 

C. Cc est assavoir, acquisition et conversation de 

manage. 

7'. Car nature a fait l'un plus 1 fort, cc est Ic homme; 

et l'autre plus fiebie, cc est la femme; afin que l'un se 

garde par paour et par creinte, cc est Ia fenime, et que 

l'autre par sa force face revenjence ou deffense. 

C. Et pour cc, la fenime se garde de mal faire et Ic 

niari garde soyet dIe (IC mal souffnir. Et cc est une 

utilité. Apres it met l'autre. 

together is profitable and lie now indicates in what way it 

is divine. 

T. At the same time, by this cyclical or periodic 

movement of the generations nature fulfills her purpose 

and perpetuates human life. 

C. That is to say, humanity is constantly preserved by 

this movement of tile generations. By period we are to 

understand continuity of generation. It is derived from 

fiery in Greek, which means around or encircle(]; and from 

odos, which means way or road. For this intermingling of 

the generations of man is effected, under God, by the circular 

motion or movement of the heavens. And period also 

means the time or duration of an action. 

T. And although // (332c) nature is unable to 

preserve the individual member, she manages to continue 

the species as a whole. 

C. For everything seeks naturally the continuity or its 

existence. And nature cannot make a mail live forever 

and therefore site continues his existence and his nature in 

his likeness, by the generation of his species. And this is 

according to Scripture, which states that the father, though 

dead, is as though he were not dead because he has left his 

son in his likeness: Mortuus est pater illius at quasi non 

est niortuus ; siniileni enint sibi nelinquit post se [ F';cclicus 

30: 4]. And as Aristotle says in On the soul II [4, 415a 

27 I, it is thus with all living things, so that they may participate 

iii perpetual life, divine and immortal, in so far as 

they are capable. And Aristotle says this because perpetual 

life and immortality are divine 

T. And in this manner the nature of inati and of 

woman was ordained or preordained by God to life 

together, as a divine partnership. 

C. And this accords with human nature, for which God 

has it special solicitude and attention. Thus according to 

Aristotle, marriage is divinely ordained and lie agrees with 

the statement of our Saviour that God made this union 

"What therefore God bath joined together, etc." [Matt. 

19: 6]. And our Saviour also was born from wedlock, and 

He was present at the wedding ceremony where He first 

demonstrated his powers by a gracious and joyous miracle, 

changing water into wine. in this manner He gave approval 

to marriage as a holy thing, which God blessed from 

7 (332d) the beginning of creation : "Male and female created 

He them and He blessed them" [Gen. 1: 271. And 

marriage is a sacrament and is therefore a divine rite. He 

next indicates how this is a felicitous thing. 

T. It is fitting that all the factors required for marriage 

should tend toward the perfection and fruition of 

virtue. But certain of these virtues are opposites and 

nevertheless they all agree and contribute to one cud. 

C. Namely, to the profit and advantage of the married 

state. 

T. Because nature has made man the stronger and 

woman the weaker so that the woman may protect herself 

by fear and timidit y and the man may defend and 

avenge himself by his strength. 

C. lii this way the wife avoids doing evil and the husband 

protects himself and his wife from suffering evil. 

And this is one advantage. Next he states the other 

advantages.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, is] ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 815 

T. Et afin que l'en quere et prepare les choses qui 

sunt dehors le hostel, cc est le niari; et que l'autre salve 

et garde ceiles qui sunt dedens. Et convient que l'un, 

ce est le man, soit puissant, fort et robuste a operation; 

et l'autre est fieble as negoces dehors. Et le homme est 

piere ou moms dispose a repos et melleur ou miex 

dispose a mouvemens ou a plus fors labours. 

G. Et donques le homme est plus chaut, plus fort et plus 

actif et Ia femme plus froide, plus fieble et plus passive. 

Et ceste contrarieté ou varieté les ont enclinés a diverses 

operations, lesquelles leur sunt pro fictables et convenables 

pour converser ensemble. Ft pour cc, quant ceste contrarieté 

// (333a) ou dissimilitude est naturelment et selon 

incurs bien proporcionee, elie est douce et delectable. Et 

scion cc disoit le Sage que homnie et femme qui sunt consentans 

on en concorde ensemble, cc est une chose pleiseinte 

a son esperit, approvee et bee de Dieu et des hommes. Et 

me semble que cc est aussi comme en musique: Ia dissimilitude 

et inequalité des Sons fait bon acort et bonne consonance, 

car elle est deuement proporcionee. Et par aventure, 

en signifiance de cc ordena nature que vois de homme 

ou resgart de vois de femme est communehnent en Ia proporcion 

qui fait la nielleur consonance, cc est double; et 

est appellee dyapason en musique. Item, a cest propos 

Ovide ou livre de Art de amer met comment la vigne est 

freile et fieble et ne se peut par soy soustenir ne faire fruit: 

mes quant elle est conjointe a l'arbre elle est soustenue et 

porte fruit. Et semblablement dit it de la femme on resgart 

de le honime. Et donques ceste conjunction est delectable 

et profictable et est tres conveniente. Et pour cc 

dit l'Escripture: Amicus et sodalis in tempore convenientes 

et super utrosque mulier cum viro. Apres it met difference 

et convenience entre les parens et les enfans. 

T. Et des filz la generation est propre et le utilité est 

commune. 

G. Car les parens funt la generation des enfans et les 

enfans ne engendrent pas leur parens. Et donques la generation 

est propre as parens et cc est la difference. IvIes 

les parens aident as enfans en lcur jennece et les enfans 

aident as parens en leur viellece. Et pour cc dit it que le 

utilité est commune et cc est la convenience. 

T. Car as uns appartient nourrir et / (333b) as 

autres enseignier. 

G. Une exposition est qu'il appartient as enfans nourir 

]cur parens et as parens enseignier leur enfans en joennece. 

Une autre exposition est que it appartient as uns ou as 

unes nourrir les enfans, cc est assavoir, as meres, et as 

autres enseignier les en bonnes meurs, cc est assavoir, as 

peres; jouxte cc que dit l'Escripture: Filii tibi sunt, erudi 

illos. Or avons donques comme communication de masle 

et de femelle est en espece humaine de ordenance divine, 

non pas seulernent pour cause de generation comme es 

autres bestes, mes oveques cc pour cause de mutuel aide. 

Et est scion cc que Dieu dist au commencement, que cc ne 

estoit pas bon que homme fust seul et que it feroit une 

chose semblable a lui, qui lui aideroit: Non est bonuni 

hominem esse solum; faciarnus ei adjutorium simile sibi. 

T. And in order that the husband may prepare and 

look after the outdoor work of the homestead while the 

wife attends to and watches over the indoor work. And 

the husband must be strong, capable and robust for 

physical work while the wife is less able to perform 

outdoor tasks. And the husband is less given to repose 

and is more disposed to action or to the heavier occupations. 

G. Thus the husband is more ardent, stronger, and more 

active; while the wife is less excitable, weaker, and more 

passive. And this opposition or difference of character has 

inclined them to different activities which are profitable and 

suitable for living together. And when this dissimilarity 

// (333a) exists naturally and is well balanced in the 

habits of both, it is pleasant and agreeable. And in this 

regard, Solomon said that a man and wife who think alike 

and live peaceably together are a pleasure to his [Solomon's] 

spirit, enjoying the praise and approbation of God 

and mankind [Ecclicus 25: 2]. And it seems to me that 

this is very similar to the case in music: the dissimilarity 

and inequality of the sounds creates a good harmony and 

a good combination of tones because they are properly proportioned. 

Perchance, it was as a token of this that nature 

has ordained that the male voice, with respect to the 

female voice, is commonly in that proportion which makes 

the best consonance—that is, in the double or octave proportion 

and in niusic this is called diapason. And on this 

subject Ovid in the Art of Love [Ars amatoria, H. 13] 

notes that the vine is frail and weak and cannot support 

itself or bear fruit by itself; but when it is joined to the 

tree, it is propped up and bears fruit. The same relation, 

he says, exists between husband and wife. Thus this union 

is pleasant and profitable and is eminently fitting. Wherefore 

the Scripture says: "A friend and companion will give 

help at the right time; but better than either is the wife 

with her husband" [Ecclicus 40: 23]. Next he discusses 

the differences and the similarities between parents and 

children. 

T. The production of children is the proper task of 

husband and wife and the benefits are common to both 

the parents and the offspring alike. 

G. For the parents procreate their offspring and the offspring 

do not give birth to the l)Lrents. Thus the propagation 

of children is the prerogative of the parents and 

this constitutes the difference. But the parents help their 

offspring in their youth and the offspring assist their parents 

in the latters' old age. And this explains why he 

states that the advantage is shared by both the children 

and the parents. And this constitutes the similarity. 

T. For it is the duty of one parent to nurture 

(333b) and of the other to educate. 

G. According to one commentator, it is the duty of the 

children to nurture their parents and the task of the parents 

to educate their children during their youth. Another 

commentator explains that the mothers should nurture 

the children while the father should inculcate in them 

good habits, in accordance with the Biblical injunction: 

"If you have sons, correct them" [Ecclicus 7: 25]. So we 

may summarize as follows: the life together of the male 

and female of the human species is established by divine 

ordinance not only for the purpose of procreation, as is 

the case with the other animals, but also for the purpose 

of mutual assistance. And this accords with Gods statement 

at the beginning of the world that it was not meet 

that man should exist alone and that He would create a 

being like unto him who should help him: 'it is not good


4. On quart chapitre ii met enseignemens pour le marl 

on resgart de sa femme. 

T. Et donques prenhierement, Ic mari doit avoir et 

garder lays et regles de sa femme. 

C. Et stint en cest chapitre .iiii. regles ou enseignemens. 

T. Une est que it ne la doit pas injurier; car en ceste 

maniere ou par cc it fera que it ne sera pas injurié par 

cue. Et ceste chose ensuit commune lay. 

C. Car communcment la femme est rneiie contre son 

man quant it lui a fait injure. Et len peut (lire miex que 

cc est une lay commune, Ce est assavoir que Ic mari ne doit 

pas injurier sa femme. Et ceste lay mist Pythagoras. Ft 

pane de ii. manieres de injures. 

T. Car si comme client ceulz qui ensui- // (333c) ent 

un philosophe appellé Pithagoras, cc ne est pas chose 

avenantc que cuicler que Yen cioie injurier sa femme 

aussi conime tine servante que l'en avroit amenee de un 

povre ostel. 

C. Qui traicte sa femme comme sa serve ou sa garce it 

liii fait injure; car si comme it fu dit ou premier chapitre 

de Po/itiques, femme et serf ou serve sunt choses differentes 

par nature. Ales entre les barbares it out tout en tin 

ordre, femme et serf. Ft est nial. Ft pour cc, scion Ia 

Saincte Escripture et scion Aristote, la femme est compaigne, 

non pas serve. Apres it met une autre injure. 

T. Et oveques cc, les conjunctions charneles de 

homme qui sunt faictes hors, cc est assavoir a autre 

femme, stint injures. 

C. Ft est mal, Si comnie Aristote met expressenient ou 

.xxxvi. chapitre de T'oli/iques. Apres il met le sectmt 

enscignement. 

T. Item, quant est de cognoistrc sa femme charnelment, 

Ic mari doit faire qu'elle ne ait pas de cc deffaute 

et ne doit pas tant de cc faire qu'elle ne se petit contenir 

se it avenoit qtie Ic mari fust aussi comme un de ceulz 

qui stint absens. 

C. Si coninie se it estoit malade. 

T. Mes it doit de cc user telement que it souffise a Ia 

femme, lui present et lui non present. 

C. Car se it estoit de cc trop abstinent, Ia femme pourroit 

traire soy vers un autre. Et se ou conmniencenient it 

frequentoit mout tele chose, quant apres ii scroit absent ou 

comme absent, la femme qui avroit acoustumé tele chose iie 

se pourroit contenir. Aprcs ii met le tiers enseignement. 

T. Item, cc clue Ilesyodus dit / (333d) est hien: cc 

est assavoir que cc est chose convenable et expediente 

a homme, cc cst a (lire qu'il espeuse ott prengne femme 

pticelle, cc est a (lire jenne de cage afin qu'il lui enseigne 

bonnes meurs. Car avoir meurs dessemblables, cc est 

une chose qui mie est en rien aniable. 

G. Car amisté ne peut estre entre personnes qui ont 

volentés contraires. Ft tels sunt ccuIz dont les nieurs sunt 

mal prOportioncs et ciescordables. Ft qtiant Ia femme est 

jenne Ic mari la peut miex doctriner a sa volenté que Sc 

dIe estoit plus eagie. Apres it met Ic quart enseignement, 

that man should be alone; let us make a helpmate for him 

like unto himself" [Gen. 2: 181. 

4. In the fourth chapter he sets down instructions for 

the husband concerning his wife. 

T. In the first place, the husband must establish and 

maintain laws and precepts for his wife. 

C. In this chapter there are four rules or precepts. 

T. One rule is that he must not wrong her, for thus 

he may expect that he will not be wronged by her. 

And this is in accord with common law. 

G. For it is usual that the wife is stirred against her 

husband when he does her wrong. And one may say that 

this is a general custom—namely, that a husband must not 

wrong his wife. And this law was established by Pythagoras. 

And Aristotle speaks of two kinds of wrongs. 

T. For as is said by those who follow // (333c) the 

philosopher called Pythagoras, it is not admissible to 

suppose that one should treat one's wife like a serving 

woman whom one has taken from some poor hovel. 

C. One who treats his wife as he would his servant or 

waiting-woman does her wrong. For, as stated in Politics 

1, 1 [12521) 11, wife and servant are different by nature. 

But among the barbarians, wife and serf are one and the 

same. And this is evil; for, according to Holy Scripture 

and Aristotle also, the wife is a companion and not a 

servant. Next he discusses another wrong. 

T. Moreover, carnal relations of a man outside the 

home, that is, with another woman, are wrong. 

C. And this is an evil, as Aristotle states expressly in 

Politics VII, 14 [1335lj 39 ff.]. Next he sets clown the 

second precept. 

T. With respect to sexual intercourse with his wife, 

the husband should see that she has no lack of it but 

he must not indulge her so that she cannot contain herself 

when it happens that he has to abstain or to be 

absent from home. 

C. For instance, if he should he ill. 

T. But he should indulge sufficiently to content his 

wife, whether he is at home or absent. 

C. For if he were too abstemious in this matter, his wife 

might he attracted to another man. And if he were too deniariding 

at the beginning of their marriage, then later, 

when he might be more abstemious or away from her, the 

wife, being accustomed to frequent indulgence, would he 

unable to contain herself. Next he sets down the third 

precept. 

T. What Hesiod sa ys is correct: / (333d) namely, 

that it is fitting and expedient for a man to marry a 

young maiden, tender in years, so that he may instruct 

her in good behavior [Works and days, 699]. For differences 

in habits of behavior are not conducive to affectionate 

relations. 

C. For affection cannot exist between persons of contrary 

wills. And such are those couples whose habits are 

unevenly matched and discordant. And when the wife is 

young, the husband can better bend her to his will than 

viin she is older. Next he sets down the fourth precept.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 1957] ORESMES VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 817 

T. Item, quant est (IC l'aournement des manes, aussi 

comme ii ne convicflt pas qu'il apl)rOCe flt ensemble par 

manage esleVés en incurs, semblablement ii ne convient 

pas qu'il soient eslevés en habit de leur corps. 

C. Selon une exposition, eslevés cc est a dire differens 

et discordans. Et (lonques ii doivent estre conformes en 

meurs et en habit, car se le niari estoit trop court,' ]'ell 

diroit quil anieroit une autre; et ainsi de la femme. Et 

par aventure, ii veult (lire qu'il tie doivent pas estre eslevés 

et orgueillcus ne ell tie en apparance de vestemens. 

T. Car en tel apparat que ont le homnie et la femme 

qui sunt ensemble par manage, tel aournernent ne differe 

en rien des parlers que l'en seult faire es tragedies. 

C. Cc est a dire que tel excés de cointise est laide chose 

et deshoneste, aussi coninie sunt les paroles de tragedies. 

Ou scion une autrc exposition, te- /1 (334a) le chose 

donne acheson die parler en ma!, aussi comnle !en pane Cs 

tragedies. Cc sunt dicties et runes de choses villaines et 

deshonestes. Et est dit die tragos ell que est bouc ou 

beste puante; car en signe des ordes paroles et diffamees 

que len disoit en teles rimes, len donnoit un bouc. 

5. Ou quint chapitre ii met enseignentens ou resgart des 

sers, 

T. Des possessions la premiere chose et in phis neceSsaire 

est celle qui est tres bonne et tres principaie, 1 et ce 

est honirne. 

C. La femme et les enfans ne sunt pas 2 proprement possession. 

Mes il appert par Ic tiers chapitre du premier de 

Politiques que le serf est possession propremcnt et un instrument 

vif et qul se meut par soy et est simplement et 

absoluetnent la chose du seigneur. Et pour cc (lit 1'Apostle: 

Servus domino suo stat nut cadit. 

T. Ft pour ce est bien de ordener prenueremeni. (PlC 

les serfs soient vertueus et bons. 

C. Et cc ne est pas a entendre (IC vertus panfeictes, tiles 

de teles vertus cofllnle serfs pevent et doivent avoir. Ft cc 

fu determine et declare ou .xvi. * chapitre du premier de 

I'olitiqucs. Apres ii met une distinction. 

T. Et toutesvoies, de serfs sunt ii. especes: le curateur 

et le operateur. 

C. Car selon cc qu'ii appert par le premier et par Ic 

quint chapitres du premier de Politiques, aucuns sunt serfs 

de nature et par nature et ne ont pas prudence de considerer 

et resgarder que est a faire, Tiles ii sunt rudes et 

fors et telz sunt operateurs. Et funt les cevres serviles et 

ont mestier d'aucun qui les ordene et adrece / (334b) et 

que il leur commande cc (lull doivent faire. Et tel est 

appellé curateur ou procureur; car Si conlnie ii appert OU 

quint chapitre du .vii.' de Politiqucs, commander ovres 

serviles ne est pas chose honorable. Ft pour cc, si comme 

il appert ou .vii. chapitre du premier de Poliliques, les 

seigneurs puissans entendent a operations honorables et ont 

leur procureur qui commande as serfs. Et en Politiques 

tantost (levant est allegué Un proverbe ancien, que serf est 

devant serf et seigneur devant seigneur; car tel curateur 

est moien entre le seigneur et ceulz qui sunt proprement 

serfs. Et est seigneur ou resgart de eulz et serf ou resgart 

du seigneur. Ft cc est en grande maison, car en 

T. As to the adornment of the married couple, just 

as it is best that they enter the married state before 

their habits have become fixed, likewise it is best that 

they should not depend upon bodily adornment to enhance 

their attractiveness. 

G. One commentator explains this to mean that they 

should not he different and discordant in bodily size. And 

thus they should he of similar habits and similar in physical 

appearance, because if the husband were too short, people 

would say he should love some other woman and likewise 

for the wife. Possibly he means that the couple 

should not be proud and haughty either in behavior or in 

their manner of dress. 

T. For the outward adornment of the couple may be 

no different from the speeches commonly associated 

with tragedies. 

C. That is to say that such an excess of affectation is 

ugly and unseemly, like the words used in tragedies. Or according 

to another commentator, // (334a) such a thing 

gives opportunity for evil tongues, such as one hears in 

tragedy. Tragedies are ditties and rimes about base and 

improper things. And the word is derived from tragos in 

Greek, nieaning goat or stinking animal, because to symbolize 

the filthy words and scandal of these rimes, a goat 

was sacrificed- 

5. In the fifth chapter he gives precepts zd'if It respect 

to slaves. 

T. The first andmost essential item among possessions 

is that which is most indispensable and that is 

man himself. 

C. The wife and children are not properly possessions. 

But it is evident from Politics 1, 2 [1253b 33 1 that the 

slave is properly a possession and a living, self-motivating 

instrument and lie is simply and absolutely the property of 

his master. Whence the Apostle Paul says: "The slave 

stands or falls before his master" [Rom. 14: 4]. 

T. The first step should therefore be to see to it that 

the slaves are virtuous and good. 

C. This must not lie Understood! to imply that they must 

have perfect virtue, but only such virtues as slaves can and 

should possess. And this was discussed in Politics I, 5 

[12591) 22 if.]. Next lie makes a distinction. 

T. Of slaves there are two kinds: the caretakers and 

the laborers. 

C. From the text of Politics I, I and 2 [1252a 34, 12551) 

35], it appears that some men are slaves naturally or by 

nature and have no prudence to observe and judge what is 

required to be done, being merely coarse and strong. Such 

are the laborers who perform servile tasks and need smiteone 

to order thenl about and direct them / (334b) as to 

what they should do. And this someone is called the caretaker 

or manager. For in Politics VII, 3 [1325a 271 it 

appears that the ordering of servile tasks is not honorable 

and it seems from Politics I, 2 11255b 351 that powerful 

lords attend to the honorable tasks and have a manager to 

direct the slaves. And a little before this passage in Politics 

[1255h 30] he refers to an ancient proverh, that one 

slave is above another and one lord before another; for 

the manager occupies a positionbetween the master and 

those who are actually slaves and! the manager is lord with 

respect to the slaves and a slave to his master. This applies 

to a large estate only, because on a small estate the

818 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE DARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

petite inaison Ic seigneur tient Ic Lien de curatcur. Apres 

ii met .vii. enseignemens on resgart des serfs. 

T. Et pource que nous voions que les doctrines disposent 

les jennes homines et les funt telz on teis, ii est 

necessaire que l'en nourrisse Ic serf qui doit ordener les 

autres et que l'en lui moustre des cevres les plus liberates 

asqueies ii dolt entendre. 

C. Le curateur ou procurcut dc la in:iison, IqutI ancnns 

appellent ycononie, cc est expedient (itlil sUit nourri a 

l'ostcl du seigneur et que ii soit introduit en oevres plus 

]iberaies et plus honorablez que ne sunt celles que funt ccui 

qui sunt serfs de nature; et que ii .soit prudent pour faire 

le honneur et profit de le hostel et Ic bon plaisir du seigneur. 

Ft acionques la chose familiairc sera en bonne // 

(3340 prosperité scion cc que dit le Sage: Servo sapienti 

prosperi erunt actus. Apres il met un autre enseignenient 

qui resgardc les serfs operatifs.1 

T. Item, l'en doit avoir tele maniere de parler as 

serfs 2 et telement les traicter que i'en ne leur die oil 

injure et que l'en ne les seuffrc estre dissolus. 

G. Car se tu es trop faniiiiaire et trop debonnere a ton 

serf, ii sera fait orgueil!eus. Ft si comnie dit Ic Sage: 

Laxa illi nianus et qucrit lihertatem. Ii ne vouldra servir. 

Ft se tu lui fais injure, il se revengera on ii s'enfuira, si 

comme dit Ic Sage: Si leseris servum injuste, in fugam 

convertetur. Ft scion cc que fu dit on .xvi. chapitre du 

secunt de Politiqucs, cc est grande niaistrise de teilir gens 

sers en bonne obedience. Mes Yen doit resgarder Leur conditions 

et leur incurs et tenir tel molen que Yen ne soit rers 

euiz trop rigoreus tie trop mol. Ft a cc tendent ics enseigneniens 

qui stint apres. 

T. Item, les serfs oil serviteurs qui stint plus liberalz, 

Fen les cloit honorer. 

C. Cc sunt les curatcurs, qui ne sunt pits sers par nature, 

mes participent grandcmcnt en raison et en vertu. Ft 

honeur est louier a vertu scion Aristote oil d'Ethiques. 

Ft pour cc, l'en les doit honorer et anier, jouxte cc 

(I UC dit Ic Sage: Servus sensatus sit tibi dilectus quasi 

anima tua. L'en doit amer Un sage servant comnie sa vie, 

car il est plus digne de estre seigneur que les 6hz se il sunt 

foulz : Servus sensatus dominabitur stultis fihis.2 

T. Ft as serfs operateurs Fen leur dolt dormer plus 

de viande. 

C. Car ii tic participent en vertu que pen ou nient et 

ont plus cure de profit que de honneur. Ft pour- / (334d) 

cc qu'il labourent fort corporelinent, plus de liutneur est 

consumee et gastee en leur cors par quoy il ont niestier (Ic 

plus grant nourrissement et de plus grosses viandes. Ft 

de cc dit Ic Sage: Cibaria et virga et onus asino, panis et 

disciplina et opus servo. A l'asne a mangier et la verge et 

Ic fais ; an serf ic pain et discipline et besungne. 

7'. Item, pource quc potation de yin oil boire yin 

fait injurieus niesme ceuiz qui stint frans ou dc franche 

nature et que mont de gens se ciepartent de honnes 

cevres ott des bons pour boire yin, si comme furent 

ceulz de Calcedone en uti ost. 

G. Peut estre que parcc que ii furent yvres il dcsoheircnt 

a leur capitaines et furent descotifis. Et pluseurs osts out 

esté desconfiz par avoir trop ben; car ic yin par ses fumees 

master acts as the manager. Next he sets down seven precepts 

concerning the slaves. 

T. And since we see that training moulds the young 

and shapes them as it will, one must train the manager 

to direct the others and give him the advantage of such 

freedom as will permit him to fulfill his duties. 

C. The caretaker or manager of the estate, called by 

sonic the CCO)WHW, should be trained in the masters house 

and be introduced to higher and more honorable tasks than 

those which are performed by the natural slaves and he 

should be trained in prudence to promote the honor and 

profit of the household and to do the pleasure of his master. 

Thus the household will prosper // (334c) as Solomon 

says: "The deeds of the wise mait shall prosper the 

servant' [Prov. 14: 15]. Next he gives a precept concerning 

the laborers. 

T. One should adopt a manner of speaking with 

slaves and treat them in a way not to insult them, at 

the same time that they are not allowed to be lazy and 

dissolute. 

G. For if you are too familiar and too kindly to your 

slave, he will become haughty. As Solomon says: "Leave 

his hands idle and he will seek liberty" [Ecclicus 33: 26]. 

He will not be willing to work. And if you treat hint unjustly, 

he will take revenge or he will flee; as Solomon 

says: "If you treat hint ill, he will proceed to run away" 

[Ecclicus 33: 32]. And as stated in Politics II, 6 [1269b 

7 if.], it is a serious business to keep ones slaves obedient- 

But one must watch over their physical condition and their 

behavior and treat them so justly that they are neither 

harshly abused nor spoiled by softness. And the precepts 

ivhich follow tend to this purpose. 

T. The slaves or servants who are more intelligent 

should be held in honor. 

C. These are the caretakers, who are not slaves by nature 

but who possess a large degree of reason and virtue. 

And honor is the reward of virtue according to Ethics IV, 

19. Therefore, one should honor and love them as Solomon 

says: "A wise slave love as thy very self" [Ecclicus 

7: 231. One should love a wise servant as Uric's life, for 

he is more worthy to he master than the children, if these 

are foolish: "A wise servant shall have rule over a son 

that causeth shame" [Prov. 17: 2]. 

T. The laborers should receive more food. 

C. Because they are poorly endowed with virtueor not 

at all and are more concerned with profit than with honor. 

And since / (334d) the y perform hard physical labor, more 

humor is consumed and destroyed in their bodies, so that 

they need more food and a coarser diet. And on this subject 

Solomon says: "Give the ass his fodder, the lash and 

his burden; give the slave his bread, his discipline and his 

task" {]'cclicus 33: 251. 

7'. Because imbibing or drinking wine makes abusive 

even those of free condition or of upright nature and 

man y people abandon good deeds or spend their goods 

in order to drink wine, like the Chalcedonians when at 

tear. 

G. Perhaps because they were drunk, they (li.)hcyed 

their captains and were defeated. And several armies have 

been defeated for having drunk too much, for wine Con-


perturbe les sens et mesme de gens raisoimables et encor 

plus de geiis serfs, gut ont peu de raison et gui boivent 

oultre mesure cluant on leur donne. Et par ce sunt faiz 

pereceus et endorinis, on inobediens on injurieus. 

T. 11 est chose manifeste que de cc doit l'en dormer 

a ses servans 1 ou nient on peu. 

G. Ce est assavoir, tie yin et de tout nourrissement delicatif. 

Car qui leur acoustunie en jennece, len les trouve 

apres contumaux et rcbclles, si comnie dit le Sage: Qui 

delicate a puericia nutrit servuni suurn, postea senciet eum 

contumacem. 

T. Item, .iii. clioses sunt: besongne, peine ou correction 

et vivre. 

G. Ces .iii. choses doivent estre distribuees as sers et 

leur appartieiineiit. Et ce est selon l'Escripture alleguec: 

Panis et disciplina et opus servo. 

T. Et autre chose, ce est assavoir, // (335a) non 

pugnir Ic serf et qu'il ne besongne et qu'il ait son vivre, 

cc est cc qui le fait injurieus. 

G. Quant il sunt nourris en oisiveté. Car gui ne labourc 

ne doit pas mengier, Si comme dit l'Apostle. Et a cest propos 

Aristote, ou .xxxii. chapitre du .vii. dEfhiqucs, allegue 

un proverbe ancien: Non est servis vacacio. Les 

serfs ne doivent pas estre longuenient oyseus. Et est selon 

l'Escripture qui dit: Mitte servum in operacione, ne vacet; 

multam enim maliciam docuit ociositas. Oisivetd les fait 

nialves. 

T. Et une atitre chose est: cc est assavoir, faire les 

cevres et avoir peines ou punitions et non avoir son 

vivre, ce est chose violente et qui fait et cause debilité ou 

flebece. lit donqucs reste que I'en doit donncr as serfs 

cevres a faire et vivre souffisant. 

G. lit ce declare it apres par .ii. raisons. 

7'. Car ce est impossible de avoir domination sus son 

serf sans ltd donner louier. Et an serf, son louier est 

son vivre. 

G. Car Ic serf, conime dit est, est possession et instrument 

de son seigneur. Et lie pent avoir des biens de fortune 

rico qui soit sien en tant comme serf, lit donques 

autre louier tie lui est deu fors son vivre: Merces fructus 

ventris. lit est a entendre du serf operatif, gui est serf 

naturelnient. 

T. Item, aussi comme as autres gens, quant l'en ne 

fait bicn as bons et l'en ne fait retribution tie bonté et 

pugnition tie malice it sunt fait pires, en ceste maniere 

cst ii des serfs. 

G. lit encor plus, que les serfs tie ont pas tant de vertu 

on de raison qui les refreine quant l'en leur donne occasion 

tie mal fai- / (335b) re. lit ties autres, gui sunt trans de 

nature, encor sunt tres pen gui lie deviennent nialves ou 

nioins bons quant it voient que len ne est rcinuneré pour 

hien faire tie pugni pour mal faire, lit que pis est, que 

les bons sunt depriiiiés et les nialvés avancies: Ecce ipsi 

peccatores in seculo habundantcs obtinuerunt divicias, etc. 

Et pour cc disoit Ic Prophete que a pen quil n'avoit erré 

et soy departi de la bonne voie : Mci autem pene moti soot 

pedes, mci pene effusi sunt gressus mci. Et tie Saint 

Thomas tie Canthorbic disoit Un que it devoit bien estre 

be, car il osa bieii estre bon en malvés temps et sous dur 

prince: Debes laudare queni sub principe duro tempori- 

fuses the senses with its exhalations. Even reasonable 

people and still more the serfs, who have little reason and 

drink without restraint when it is given them, in this way 

become lazy and sleepy or disobedient and abusive. 

T. It is clear that one should give none of this to his 

servants or very little. 

G. That is, of wine or of any delicate food. For if they 

become accustomed to it in their youth, they are found to 

be contumacious and rebellious; as Solomon says: "He 

who brings up his servant delicately from a child shall 

afterward feel his insubordination" j, Prov. 29: 21]. 

T. Three things are to be borne in mind: (1) work, 

(2) punishment or chastisement, and (3) food. 

G. These three things should be accorded to slaves and 

are suitable for them. This accords with the Scriptural 

admonition above: "Bread, discipline and work for the 

servant" [Ecclicus 33: 25]. 

T. And moreover, // (335a) if the slave is given 

food but is not chastised or given work, this renders 

him abusive. 

G. When they are nourished in idleness. For he who 

does not work should not eat, as Paul says [II Thess. 3: 

10]. Oti this subject Aristotle quotes an ancient proverb: 

Non est servis vacacio. "Slaves must not be idle for long." 

Politics 'VII, 13 [1334a 20]. And this agrees with Scripture: 

"Put thy servant to work that lie be not idle; for idleness 

teaches much mischief" [Ecclicus 33: 28]. Idleness 

makes them bad. 

T. And another item is as follows: to work and 

suffer chastisement without food is oppressive and 

makes them weak and listless. There is no alternative 

therefore except to give the slaves tasks to perform and 

to feed them adequately. 

G. This he clarifies in two explanations. 

T. For it is impossible to control one's slave without 

rewarding him and for the slave, his reward is his 

food. 

C. Because as we have already stated, the slave is the 

property and instrument of his master and he can have no 

possession of his own in his status as slave. Thus no other 

pay is due him than his food: "His reward is the fruit of 

the womb" [I'saliii 126: 3]. And this applies to the laborer, 

who is a slave by nature. 

T. Just as with other people, when one does not 

treat the good individuals well and reward goodness 

anti punish malice they are made worse, just so it is 

with slaves. 

C. All the more so, since slaves do not possess sufficient 

virtue or reason to restrain them when the opportunity 

arises for evil doing. / (335b) And therefore, of those that 

are naturally upright, very few fail to succumb to evil 

when they see that they are not rewarded for good actions 

or punished for evil deeds. What is worst of all is the 

fact that the good are oppressed and imposed upon, while 

the evil are abetted and advanced: "Behold, these are the 

ungodly, who prosper in the world; they increase in riches" 

[Psalm 72: 12]. And thus the prophet David used to say 

that he had very nearly erred and departed from the right 

way: "As for me, lily feet were almost gone; my steps had 

well nigh slipped" [Psalm 72: 2]. And a certain person 

said of Saint Thomas of Canterbury that lie deserved to be


busque malis ausus est esse bonus. Et pour cc, les princes 

doivent souverainernent entendre a pugnir les nialvés et a 

honorer les bons. Car par cc ii pevcnt faire le munde bon 

ou nialvCs. Car si comme ii appert on .xvi. chapitre du 

tiers dEtluqucs de la vertu de fortitude es cites, ou gens 

paoureus et couars sunt sans honneur et vituperCs et ou les 

fors et bonnes gens d'armes stint honorés, pour certain 

illec sunt trouvés gens tres exceilens en celle fortitude. Et 

ainsi cst ii des autres vertus et des ars. Et de cc dit Symacus 

en une epistle; Vetus sentencia est artes honore 

nUetriri ; earn nostre etatis confirmavit usus. Nemo enin) 

bclli notus aut domi clarus exortem preiiiii sensit industriain. 

Ita cum dignis fructus tribuitur eandem viam capescentibus 

spes paratur.' Et pour cc dit le Sage que ii. 

clioses liii desplai- // (335c) sent: ben homnie d'arrnes qiii 

a deffaute par povreté et homnie hien sense de qui len ne 

tient conipte: In duobus contristatuni est cor meurn, etc. 

Vir bellator deficiens per inopiam et vir sensatus contemptus. 

Ft scion cc dit ici un expositeur, Barthelemy de 

Bruges,' que les prelas (le son temps corrompoient Ic college 

de Saincte Eglise parce qu'il ne curoient des bons estudians 

et proniovoient adulateurs et leur lignage et autres 

par malveses faveurs. Apres ii conciut son enseignement. 

T. Et pour cc, ii convient deliberer et distrihuer 

(lignement et justement as sers chcscune de ces choses, 

cc est assavoir, vivre et vestement et repos et peines on 

pugnitions. Et convient cc faire par parole et par cevre. 

G. Car tel est qui creint cstre blasmé et est asses blasmé 

de paroles. Et un autre est de piere nature, qui ne peut 

estre doctrine par parole et (Ic tel dit Ic Sage: Servus verhis 

non potest erudiri et (juod dicis inteiligit et respondere 

contempuit. Et pour cc, il le convient corrigier de fait, si 

comme dit Ic Sage en autre lieu: Servo malivolo tortura 

et compedes. Et donqucs et pugnition et viandes et toutes 

les choses dessus dictes leur doivent estre distribuees scion 

leur incurs et scion ]cur condition. 

7'. Et quc Fen ensuive la vertu ou maniere des 

mcdicins en Ia vertu de la medicine; car farmacie, cc est 

a dire medicine laxative, tie est pas viancie pour la cornmunité. 

C. Je cuRie que en cest not Pro/'ter co;ziinuita fern les 

textes sunt corrumpus. Et sunt les expositeurs / (335d) 

mout empeechies de exposer ceste clause. Mes quant it 

ii suflist dire quc tcle medicine tie est pas nourrissenient, 

mes est pour evacuation ct la convient moderer et 

faire plus forte ou plus fieble scIon Ia qualité, replexion et 

vertu et complexion du corps. Et semblablenient, Ia peine 

que len donne au serf ne est pas nourrisseinent, mes est 

pour Ic corriglcr et doit estre plus grande ou plus petite et 

rnodcrce selon la condition du serf. Et aussi doivent estre 

rnoderees Ics autres choses, si conime viande, labeur,' rcpos, 

etc. Apres ii met Ic .vi. enseignement. 

praised because he dared to be good in an evil time under 

a harsh prince: "Thou shouldst praise a man who dared to 

be good under a harsh ruler in evil times" [unidentified; 

not found in J . C. Robertson, Materials for the history of 

Thomas a Becket, 7 vols., London, 1875-18851. Therefore 

the princes must see to it especially that the evil are 

punished and the good are honored; for in this way they 

can make people good or evil. As is asserted in Ethics III, 

16, regarding the virtue of fortitude, in cities where frightened 

and cowardly people are without honor and are vituperated 

and where the strong and good soldiers are lionored, 

there certainly will he found people of excellent courage. 

And so it is with respect to the other virtues and arts. 

And a letter of [Quintus Aurelius] Symmachus states: 

"There is an old proverb that the arts are fostered by 

honorable recognition and our present age has confirmed 

this custom. For no one famed in war or of distinguished 

family has felt obliged to seek monetary rewards. Since 

rewards are thus accorded to the worthy, the aspiring can 

find hope in following this route to honorable recognition 

[Epistolac I, 37] And Solomon says that two things displeased 

him: // (335c) (i) a good soldier who suffers 

from poverty and (2) a wise man to whom no one listens 

"For two things my heart is grieved . . . a man of war 

suffering on account of poverty, men of understanding 

who stiffer contempt" [Ecclicus 26: 261. And an expositor, 

Barthélemy of Bruges,' says on this point that the prelates 

of his timecorrupted the college of Hol y Church 

because they did not take care of the good students and 

promoted their adulators and the members of their family 

and others by wicked favors. After this, he concludes his 

precept. 

T. Thus it is necessary to see to it that each of these 

things—that is, food and clothing, leisure and chastisement—is 

distributed justly according to the merits of 

the slaves. This must be done both by the spoken word 

and by deed. 

C. For there are those who fear reprobation and are 

sufficiently punished with words. Another may he of worse 

nature and cannot be taught by words alone. Of such 

Solomon said: "A servant cannot be taught by words, for 

though he understand, lie will disdain to answer" [Prov. 

29: 19]. Therefore, he must be corrected by deed, as 

Solonion says elsewhere: "For the wicked servant, torture 

and shackles" [Ecclicus 33: 28]. Thus both chastisement 

and food and other items mentioned above must be apportioned 

to them according to their behavior and their 

condition. 

T. And one should follow the practice of physicians 

in prescribing medicine, who observe the rule that laxatives 

arc not, like food, prescribed to the community in 

general. 

C. I think that the texts are corrupt and the eoiilnientators 

are unable to explain the clause propter conlin 

.uitatt'm [with regularit y; the sense of the clause is 

food differs from medicine in that it requires to he constantly 

admin jsteredi. / (335d) But let it suffice to say 

in this regard that such medicine is not food but is for 

purging and it must be moderated in strength to lit the 

quality and the excess quantity of food in the bowel, the 

strength and the bodily constitution. Likewise, the punishment 

meted out to the slave is not food, but is for his 

chastisement. And it should be great or small and measured 

to the condition of the slave. Likewise, the items of 

food, work, leisure, etc., must be measured. Now he sets 

down the sixth precept. 

2 See Introduction, p. 796, note 30

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 1957) ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 821 

T. Item, entre les gerres on manieres de sers ceulz 

stint tres bons qui tie sunt pas paoureus tie tres fors. 

Car les tins et les autres funt malvesement pource que 

ceulz qul stint tres paoureus tie pevent souffrir on sonstenir 

laheur ne peine et ceulz qui stint plains de ire et 

courageus tie obeissent pas bien. 

G. Ft donques ceulz qui sunt disposes moiennenleiit et 

tie stint pas fiebles ne trop doubtans labour tie trop fors ct 

trop fiers sunt bons pour estre serfs operatifs. 

T. Item, ii convient en tons on a tous mettre fin 

G. Cc est assavoir, en tous leur labeurs ou en toutes les 

choses dessus dictes mettle fin et mesure et a tous serfs. 

T. Car cc est chose juste et rnoderee que liberté soit 

mise leur merite on louicr on desserte; car adonques 

Veulent il labourer quant la deserte est determinee et le 

temps determine, 

G. Quant a cest propos iii. manieres de serfs stint. Car 

auctm est serf operateur et serf naturelment. Ft qui exposeroit 

ceste partie, dc tel serf liberté seroit prise pour 

repos // (336a) et recreation; car tel serf tie (bit pas avoir 

libertC proprement (licte, roes est expedient et juste chose 

qu'il serve. Si comme ii fu dit ou quint chapitre de Polltiqucs. 

Et dc cc dit Ic Sage; Servuni inclinant operaciones 

assidue. II doit assiduelment estre tenu en humilité et en 

operations serviles. Item, aucun est franc de nature et serf 

operatif par violence no par povreté ou par autre infortune; 

et a tel doit cstre donnee libcrté apres certain temps 

determine, si comnie il fu commandé as filz d'Israel en 

lAncien Testament: Si pauperitate conipulsus vendiderit se 

tibi frater tuus, etc. Item, si comme devant est dit, aucun 

est serf curateur Ott dispensateur et quant il est bon Fen 

lui doit a certain terme donner pleine liberté et tele merite 

quil puisse apres vivre cOmfliC seigneur (Ic maison. Ft 

pour cc dit Ic Sage: Servus sensatus sit tibi dilectus quasi 

anima tua. Non defraudes illuni libertate, neque inopem 

derelinquas ilIum. On lui doit donner liberté et non souffrir 

quil soit po\'. Ft ces enseignemens Aristote touche 

et proniet a dire apres en la fin du. xxii.° chapitre do. vii? 

de J'olitiqucs, jouxtc ce que fu dit on premier chapitre. 

6. On sixte chapitre ii met les parties fornteles d'yconontie 

et determine de .ii. d'icelles. 

T. Les especes ciue doit considerer celltii qui est yconome 

stint .iiii., lesquelles il convient avoir vers les 

choses dc la iiiaison. Car il convient estre puissant Ott 

avoir possibilité dc cluerir on aquerir. Item, ii convient 

que les cho- / (336b) ses soient gardees; car se cc ne 

estoit, le utilité de les aquerir seroit nulle. Item, qu'en 

dies ait aornement art ordcnance. Item, usage. 

G. Ce est a dire que Yen sache user des choses deuement 

T. Car pour grace et afin de cc avons notis mestier 

de elles. 

G. Cc est assavoir, pour user en deuement. Or avons 

donques .iiii. especes dc industrie qui sunt requises en gUnvernement 

dc maison. Ce est assavoir: aquisitive, conserva- 

T. Among the varieties or kinds of slaves, those who 

are neither fearful nor Very strong are excellent. For 

both the fearful and the overbold (10 badly, since the 

former cannot endure hard work or labor and those 

who are hot-headed and rash will not obey readily. 

G. But those of moderate disposition, neither weak nor 

afraid to work nor too Strong or too proud, make good 

laboring slaves. 

T. In all cases or for all slaves, one must set a goal. 

G. That is, one must set a fixed goal or term for the 

labor of all slaves. 

T. It is proper and just that freedom should be their 

reward or prize; for then they are willing to work when 

the recompense is fixed and the period of service predetermined. 

G. In this connection, there are three varieties of slaves. 

One type is the natural slave, the laborer; and in explaining 

this passage of the text, we should assume that liberty 

for him would be leisure // (336a) and recreation; for 

such a slave should not have liberty properly so called. 

But it is just and expedient that lie should work as a slave, 

as indicated in Politics I, 2 [1254b 19 if.]. And Solomon 

states: "Constant work makes anobedient servant" [Ecclicus 

33 271. He must he held assiduously to his task 

in humility and in servile labor. If he is of upright nature 

and has been forced to become a laborer through violence 

or front or some other misfortune, such a one 

should be given his freedom after a fixed period of time, 

as was commanded of the children of Israel in the Old 

Testament: "If thy brother shall sell himself to thee out of 

poverty, etc." [Lev. 25: 39]. As previously stated, certain 

slaves are caretakers or supervisors and if they are worthy, 

they should be given complete freedom after a certain 

length of time and should be so recompensed that they 

may afterward live as masters of their own house. Wherefore 

Solomon says: "A wise slave love as thyself and withhold 

not his freedom nor leave him go unrecoinpensed" 

[Ecclicus 7: 23]. He should be granted his freedom and 

not he permitted to remain poor. And Aristotle touches 

on these precepts and promises to speak about them again 

at the end of Politics VII, 9 [1330a 33], following that 

which was stated in the first chapter. 

6. in the sixth chapter he states the formal divisions of 

economics and discusses two of these especially. 

T. The head of a household should take into consideration 

four typical requirements connected with the 

business of managing his property: (1) he must have 

the capacity or the faculty for getting or acquiring; (2) 

the possessions / (336b) must he protected or preserved, 

otherwise it would be pointless to acquire them: 

(3) they must be improved and kept in order; (4) they 

must be of rise. 

G. That is, one must know how to use them to advantage. 

T. Because it is for the last-named purpose that we 

need these possessions. 

G. That is, in order to make proper use of them. Thus 

we have four types of activity essential to the governance 

of a household: (1) the acquisitive, (2) the preservative,

822 LE LTVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

tive, ordinative et usual ou dispensative. Apres ii determine 

de chescunc et prenhierement de acquisitive. 

T. Toutesvoies, ii convient chescune des choses distinguier 

et considerer. Et que celles qui portent fruit 

soient plus que celles qui ne portent pas fruit. 

C. Aucunes choses portent fruit, si comme ]a terre et 

aucunes hestes; et autres flofl, si comme vaisselle Tor on 

d'argcnt on tels joiaus. Et donques l'en doit plus curer de 

acquerir celles qui portent fruit ou guaing que les autres. 

Et cc sceivent bien faire ceulz qui sunt expers en acquerir 

richeces. 

T. Et en ceste nianiere on scion cc, les operations 

doivcnt estre clistribuees. 

G. Car les operations des serviteurs doivent plus estre 

ordenees a acquerir choses qui portent fruit ou guaing que 

les autres. Ft les manieres de acquerir simples et cornposees 

sunt mises et exprirnees ou .viii. et ou .ix. chapitres 

du premier de Poliliques. Apres ii traicte de industrie 

conservative ou de garder. 

T. Ft quant I a la garde des choses aquises, ii est 

chose licite et bon- // (336c) ne user des enseignemens 

des gens de Perse et de Laconic. 

C. La region de Perse fu ainsi denommee d'un roy appellé 

Perseus et Laconic estoit la partie d'Ytalie ou sunt 

Appuile et Calabre et fu jadis appellé la Grande Grece. 

'I'. Item, la disposition ou ordenance de ceuiz de Attique 

est profictable. 

G. Attique, cc est Ia region on est la cite de Athenes. 

T. Car quant il achatent, ii retrihuent. 

C. Cc est a dire qu'il poient et ne prennent rien a creance. 

Ou scion une autre exposition, ii retribuent, cc est 

a dire que it revendent les choses vieles et inutiles. Apres 

ii met tine autre de leur industries. 

T. Et Ia position ou bonne assiete du guernier ne est 

pas a mettre entre les plus petitez dispositions ou 

ordenances. 

G. Car die fait grandetnent a Ia conservation des fruis. 

Ft doit decliner ou resgarder a septentrion et a orient, Si 

comme dit Victruvius. 

T. Et les enseignemens de ceuls de Perse stint que 

toutes choses soient ordenees all et que toutes 

les choses resgardent a liii. 

C. Ce est a dire que tous, si comme enfans et servans, 

prennent garde au seigneur dtiquel Ic gouvernement de Ic 

ostel depent principalnient, Si coninie ii declare apres par 

.iii. anciens proverbes. 

T. Et un sage appellé Dyon, en parlant d'un qui 

avoit nom Dyonisius, disoit que nul liomme ne cure 

semblahienient les choses estranges et les siennes propres. 

G. Les choses de la maison sunt proprenient du seigneur, 

combien quc les enfans / (336d) et les sers en aient 

nourrissemcnt. Et chescun naturelment aime plus cc que 

est sien propre, si conime ii appert par Ic tiers chapitre du 

(3) the ordinative, and (4) the utilitarian or dispensative 

operations. He now analyzes each of these and first of 

all the acquisitive. 

T. At the outset, all possessions should be taken account 

of and classified. And those items that are productive 

should exceed in number the non-productive 

items. 

G. Certain things are productive, like the earth itself 

and certain animals. Others are non-productive, such as 

gold or silverware or jewelry. And one should give more 

attention to the acquisition of those things that are productive 

of wealth than to other things. This fact is well 

known to those expert in the acquisition of wealth. 

T. And the several operations should be divided in 

accordance with this purpose. 

C. Because the work of the slaves should lie more generally 

directed to productive or wealth-producing operations 

than to other ends. And the methods for acquiring 

wealth—the simple primary and the composite or combined 

methods—are explained in Politics I. 2 11256a 1 ff.-]. 

Next he discusses the oper;ition of prcerviI1g or safekeeping. 

T. As for the safe-keeping of possessions, it is fitting 

and proper // (336c) to follow the practice of the 

Persians and the Spartans. 

G. The country of Persia was named after a king called 

Perseus, and Sparta wasthe part of Italy comprising 

Apulia and Calabria and was formerly called Greater 

Greece. 

T. Also the arrangement or practice of the inhabitants 

of Attica is advantageous. 

C. Attica is the region where the city of Athens is 

situated. 

T. Because whenever they buy they settle the account 

at once. 

C. That is, they pay and take nothing on credit. Or 

according to a different expositor, ii retribuent, that is, 

they sell old and useless things Over and over. Next he 

notes another of their operations. 

T. And the establishment of the storehouse in a 

good location is not to be dismissed as among the least 

important considerations. 

C. For it is important with respect to the keeping of the 

produce. And it should face north and east, as Vitruvius 

states [De Architectura 1, 61. 

T. And the practice of the Persians teaches that all 

matters should be supervised by the master and that 

everything should be under his authority. 

C. This means that everybody, children and slaves, 

should be attentive to the master, upon whom the governnient 

of the household principally depends, as he now points 

out ill three ancient proverbs. 

T. And a wise man named Dion, speaking about a 

man called Dionysius, used to say that no one takes the 

same care of another's things as of his own. 

G. The appurtenances of the household belong rightfully 

to the master, although the children / (336d) and slaves 

receive their sustenance from them. And each person quite 

naturally loves most his own possessions, as appears in


secunt de Politiques. lit chescun a plus cure et solicitude 

de cc que it ainie. 

T. Et pour cc, (le toutes choses qui doivent estre 

faictes par lui, cc est assavoir, par le seigneur, it convient 

qu'il en ait la cure. 

G. 11 (lit faictcs par mi pource que aucunes appartienneat 

a la femme, Si COmme it sera (lit apres. 

T. Item, le proverbe du Persian est bon et cellui du 

Libyen. 

G. Perse est une region et Libyc une autre ou ces p -verbes furent trouv&. 

T. Car un de ces ici, cc est assavoir le Persian, quant 

l'en mi demanda queue chose est cc qui plus engresse le 

cheval, it (list et respondi L' yl du seigneur. 

G. Car quant seigneur voit souvent son cheval, les vales 

sunt plus curieus de Ic bien garder et aussi des autres 

choses. 

T. Item, le Lihian, quant l'en lui demanda quel fiens 

estoit tres bien, it dist que cc estoit le estrace du seigneur. 

C. It vouloit dire que quant le seigneur visite souvent 

ses lal)OtIreUrS ' de terres, it en valent miex aussi cotlinie it 

funt (IC I)ien fumer It., terres, 2 Apres it met .iiii. enseigncmens. 

T. Et donques it convient les choses estre gardees. 

Mes autres doit gardcr le seigneur et autres la femme, 

afln que Ics cevres de i'une et de I'autre disposition, cc 

est assavoir, (IC le honime et de la femme, soient distinguees 

ou divisees. 

G. Car it appert par Ic tiers chapitre que le marl doit 

plus curer des choses dehors et la femme (le celles de 

dedens // (337a). lit appert par Ic .xiiii. chapitre de le 

.Viii.' d'Ethiques que le mari doit lessier a sit feninie aucunes 

choses qui mi sunt apparteflantes. 

T. Et ceste chose on distinction est pen de fois a 

faire quant es petites ordenances. 

G. Car it ni a force de teles petites choses lequcl les 

garde ou lequel les faice, le mari ou la femnie. 

7'. Mes elle est souvent a faire es choses qui sunt 

soubz cure, cc est a dire, dont I'en doit avoir cure et 

solicitude; car se les chases ne apparent bien distincteement, 

les servans ne pevent ensuir ou faire scion le 

pleisir du niari et de la felnme ne en la cure ou garde 

des choses ne en autres avres. 

C. Car tout est miex fait et niiex garde quanit chescun 

scet determineement cc qu'il it a faire et cc qu'iI a a garder. 

T. Item, cc est chose impossible, cc est a dire, tres 

forte que les superastateurs, cc est a dire, les servans 

qui sunt diz curateurs et sunt sus les autres soient 

curieus et aicnt bonne solicitude se les seigneurs sunt 

negligens. 

C. Et par ce it donne a entendre par' cest enseignement 

que les seigneurs soient diligens de bien garder leur chases. 

Et je cuide que par ic's seigneurs it entende Ic mari et la 

femme. 

T. Item, comme les chases qui ensuient a vertu 

Politics II, 1 [1261b 3 4 1 . And he devotes more care and 

solicitude to that which he loves. 

T. Thus the master of the household must take responsibility 

for all the tasks which require his attention. 

C. He says require his attention because certain duties 

pertain to the wife, as will be noted later. 

T. And the Persian and Lybian proverbs are pertinent 

here. 

C. Persia is a country and Lyhia is another where these 

proverbs were found. 

T. One of these, the Persian, when asked what best 

fattens a horse replied, "The master's eye." 

C. Because, when the master sees his horse often, the 

grooms are more careful to tend the animal well and this 

applies to the other items of the household. 

T. And the Lyhian, when asked which is the best 

manure said, "The master's footprints." 

C. He meant that when the master viits his field 

laborers often, they do better work just as happens when 

they put plenty of manure on the land. Next he states 

four precepts. 

T. Therefore, the property must be watched over 

diligently. But the master and his wife will attend to 

different departments, suitably divided and distinguished. 

C. It was pointed out in the third chapter that the husband 

should concern himself more with the outdoor work 

and the wife with the indoors. // (337a) And Ethics 

VIII, 14. states that the husband should leave to his wife 

certain matters properly belonging to her. 

T. This division is rarely necessary to be observed 

in the case of small households. 

C. Because there are not so many details to occupy the 

husband or the wife. 

T. But it should be observed in the case of property 

under the care of a manager over whom one must hold 

responsible authority. For, if the tasks are not distinctly 

classified, the slaves cannot follow or fulfill the 

wishes of the husband and wife in taking care of the 

property nor in other tasks. 

C. For everything is done more satisfactorily and is 

better kept when each one knows clearly what his duties 

are and for what he is responsible. 

T. It is impossible or very difficult for the managers 

or for those slaves called caretakers who are placed 

over the others to be interested and solicitous if their 

masters are negligent. 

C. He means by this precept that the masters should be 

diligent in caring for their property. And by masters I 

think he means both the husband and the wife. 

T. Since the rewards of virtue are good and profitsolent 

bonnes et profictables a bonne disposition, it able to those rightly disposed, it behooves the master

824 

Convient pour lez seigneurs estre premiereinent levés 

avant cjue les serfs et dormir les desreniers. 

G. Car si conime dit est, ii doivent estre soingneus; et 

solicitude est cause de veillier, si comme dit Ic Sage: Solicitudo 

auffert sonip- / (337b) num. 

T. Item, ii doivent faire que la rnaison ne soit onques 

sans garde aussi conime non (bit estre la Cite. Item, 

que Fen iie lcsse oil ou oublie quelconque chose 

que ii convienne faire ne de nuit ne de jour. 

G. Car combien que la nuit soit ordenee pour repos, 

toutesvoies aucune foiz ii convient ouvrer de Imit. Et pour 

cc dit ii apres: 

T. Item, toutesvojes Fen se doit lever de nuit, car cc 

est chose titile et profictable a sante et a bonne disposition 

et a philosophic. 

G. Prenhierement, cc est a entendre es temps et es regions 

ou les nuiz sunt longues. Car en yvcr elles sunt 

grandement plus longues es parties devers septentrion qucs 

parties clevcrs midi. Et en esté plus courtes aussi es parties 

devers septentrion. Item, soy lever de nuit avant que 

la digestion soit faite foist moult et debilite Ic corps; ines 

soy dormir apres cc quelle est faicte aussi nuist, car la 

chaleur de dedens se met a consumer Ic naturele hurneur et 

deseche le corps et dispose a maladie. Item, des ordures 

du ventre elle eslieve furnees gui funt au chief malvese dis- 

Position et perturbent ou empcechent les sens naturels et 

par consequent l'entendenient, qui depent des sens en son 

operation. Et donques par Contraire, if S 'CflSuit que soy 

lever la digestion faicte profite a sante et a bonne disposition 

des sens et a operation de l'entendemnent, cc est as- 

Savoir, a estude et a philosophic. Et oveques Ce, la flint est 

plus paesible et sunt les sens moms distrais que 1€ jour. 

Par quoy l'entendement // (337c) cst mmcx dispose a speculation 

et a contemplation des clioses divines, jouxte cc que 

dit l'Escripture: CUHI enim quietum silencium tenerent 

ornnia, et nox in suo cursu medium iter haberet, etc. Item, 

cc proficte molt a bon gouvernemnefit d'ostel. Et pour cc, 

Ic Sage dit de femme vertueusc que dIe se levoit de nuit: 

Mulierem fortem quis inveniet, etc. Ft de nocte surrexit 

paterfamilias, excitat servos suos ad operaciormem. Unde 

in Esopo: Vigilare potentis, stertere servorum, etc.' 

7. Ott vii chapitre ii determine de .ii. autres parties on 

eseces d'yconosnique. 

T. En petites choses, Ia maniere de user des fruis 

laquelle ont ceuls de Ia langue attique est profictabie. 

Mes en grandes choses, les fruis sunt consumes et 

despendus en les divisant es parties qui souffisent a un 

an on a un rnoes. 

G. Ceulz de la langue attique estoient les gens de Ia region 

ou est Athenes. Mes quelle maniere il avoient quant 

a Ia partie d'yconontie appellee usual ott dispensative if ne 

appert pas clerement par le texte, car ii est brief et obscur 

et les expositeurs sunt discordans et semblent qu'il adivinent. 

Ft par aventure quc celles gens en petites choses, 

cc est assavoir, en petites yconomies ou en petis mesnages 

prenoment garde combien ii povoient despemidre et scion cc, 

ii distribuoicnt a leur famile pour chescun jour certaine 

portion. Mes en riches ostels ii distribuoient pour un mois 

ou pour un an. Car se en un povre ostel estoit faicte 

LE L!VRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

and mistress to rise before the slaves and to be the last 

to retire. 

G. As said before, they must be constantly watchful, 

and anxiety gives rise to short sleeping; as Solomon says: 

"Anxiety banishes sleep" [Ecclicus 42: 9]. / 

(337b) T. They must see to it that the household is 

never left unguarded, just as someone must always 

guard the city. Nothing must be omitted, postponed or 

forgotten clay or night which needs to be done. 

G. For although the night is reserved for rest, sometimes 

it is necessary to work at night. And this lie now 

explains. 

T. it is, moreover, commendable to rise before dawn, 

because this is useful and beneficial to health, to good 

character and to philosophy. 

G. This is true primarily for those regions and climates 

where the nights are long. For in the winter, they are 

much longer in northern climes than in the southern 

regions and in summer they are shorter ill 

Getting up at night before digestion is completed is very 

harmful and weakening to the body; but sleeping after it 

is completed is also harmful. For the internal heat begins 

to consume the natural humor and dries up the body and 

leads to illness. From the body wastes it carries tip the 

fumes, which cause indisposition in the head and disturb 

or hinder the natural senses and consequently the understanding, 

which depends upon the senses for its operation. 

So per contra, it follows that to rise with digestion coinpleted 

profits the health, the proper disposition of the 

senses and the proper functioning of the understanding, 

that is to say, for study and philosophy. Moreover, the 

night is more tranquil than the day and the senses are less 

distracted; so that the understanding // (337c) is more 

disposed to Speculation and contemplation about divine 

matters; as the Scripture has it: "For while peaceful 

silence enveloped all things, and Night in her own swift 

course was at midway, etc" [Sapientia 18: 141. This is 

most advantageous to the management of a home. In this 

connection, Solomon says that the virtuous wife rises in 

the night: "Who can find a virtuous woman? etc., and in 

the night she arose" {Prov. 31: 10-15]. "The father urges 

his servants to their tasks" [unidentified]. Wherefore 

Aesop says: "The great keep vigil while the servants snore, 

etc." [Ysopel-Avionnet, ed. McKenzie and Oldfather, no. 

55, De cervo, bobus et canibus, 11. 25-261. 

7. In chapter seven he clarifies two other divisions or 

kinds of economics. 

T. With respect to small households, the manner of 

utilizing the produce practised by those who speak the 

Attic tongue is profitable. But in the case of large 

estates, the produce is laid out and stored in quantities 

sufficient for a year or for a month. 

G. Those of Attic speech were the people of the region 

around Athens. But the text does not make clear their 

practice with respect to the use or disposal of the produce 

of their property. For the text is brief and obscure and 

the expositors disagree and it would seem that they are 

guessing. Perhaps the small householders kept close watch 

over the quantity they could expend and thus they dealt out 

a daily portion to their family. But with the rich householders 

the distribution was made for a month's time or 

for a year. Because if the distribution ill a small household 

was made on a monthly basis and this was all con-

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 19571 ORESM E'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 825 

Iivrcc ou distribution pour un mois ensemble et tout just 

despendu en une sepnieine, len / (337d) ne pourroit pas 

mettre reniede si bien comme en un riche ostel. Toutesvoies, 

conirne que ce I soit, l'en cloit considerer sa revenue 

ou son guaing et scion ce mo(lercr la despense telement 

que l'en ne devienne povre, car cc seroit prodigalité; et que 

len despense liberalment sans avarice et sans faire grant 

tresor. Car plueurs tcsaurizent en leur male aventure, si 

conime dit Ic Sage: l,sC alia infirniitas pessima quam vidi 

sub sole: divicie conservate in malum domini sui. Car 

richeces sunt un instrument dont l'en se aide a bien vivre, 

Si conime it appert ou .xvi.° chapitre du .x, d'Ethiques. 

Et donques, aussi conirne Yen doit user dun instrument et 

ne est pas bon quil soit trop grant, semblablement len doit 

user de richeces et trop grands richeces nuisent a bien 

vivre, Si commc it appert ou premier chapitre du .'jj.° de 

Politiqucs. Et moderer cest instrument et user de Iui deuement 

requert bonne diligence et unc especial prudence appellee 

yconomique usual on dispensative, de laquelle Aristote 

sc passe ici briernient pource que de elle peut asses 

apparoir par ce que fu clit on quart livre dEtliiques, ou 

chapitre ou it traicte de liberalité et de magnificence et des 

vices opposites. Apres it traicte dc l'espece appellee ordinative, 

qui cst dc lordenance et aournement de Ia maisoTi. 

T. Item, de l'usage et ordenance de utensiles. 

C. Comme sunt robes, livres et jouiauz. 

T. Tant de ceulz de quoi l'en use chescun jour 

comine de ceulz de quoi l'en use pas souvent, l'en les 

doit bailler as curateurs qui ont a garder sus ces choses 

et sus la garde de ellez. Et doit Yen faire qu'il aient la 

garde de elles siques a temps afin qu'au temps mis ii 

appare qu'est saif et que fault. 

G. Cc // (338a) est a dire que telz servans curateurs, 

qui sunt sous les seigneurs et sus les serfs operateurs, doivent 

recevoir teles choses par inventoire et rendre compte 

a certain terme atm que Ic seigneur voie se tout est bien 

garde. Apres it pane de Fordenance des liens. 

T. La maison doit estre faicte et composee a la garde 

des choses et a la sauté et salut on scurté des habitans. 

J e di des choses, Si comine des vivres et des vesteniens 

00 robes, quel lieu leur est expedient pour la garde des 

choses seches. 

C. Si conime sunt les Ws. 

T. Et quel rcquerent les choscz moistes. 

G. Comme le yin. 

T. Item, des autres choses quel lieu est expedient as 

choses qui ont vie et as serfs et as enfans et as femelles 

et as niasles et as estranges et as citoiens? 

C. L'ostel doit estre telement ordenC que bestes et servans 

et chambenieres et hostes et iilz et tilles et dame et 

seigneur—que chescun ait lieu convenable selon ce qu'il est 

possible a Ic honneur et an profit et a Ia seurté dc tout le 

ostel. Ft cc vient en la discretion et industrie de ccllui qui 

ordene teles choses. 

T. Item, quant a sante, it convient que le lieu soit 

fret pour esté et chaut pour yver. 

G. Et pour cc dient les medicins que les sages se tietinent 

chaudement en yver et fredement en esté. Ft scion cc, 

surned within a week, / (337d) the remedy could not be 

so readily found as in the case o a rich household. In 

any case, one should take into consideration the quantity 

of his income or profit and measure his expenditures so that 

he would not be impoverished, for this would be improvident. 

And one should spend liberally, without avarice 

and attempting to hoard. For many have hoarded to their 

loss; as Solomon says: "There is a sore evil which I have 

seen under the sun, namely, riches kept for the owners 

thereof to their hurt' [Ecclestes 5: 12]. For riches are an 

instrument to assist us to live well, as is stated in Ethics 

X, 16. Therefore as one uses an instrument, which is 

useless if it is too large, so one should use his wealth. 

Too much wealth hinders good living, as is made clear 

in Politics VII, 1 [1323b 5 if.]. To moderate this instrument 

and use it properly requires great diligence and a 

special kind of prudence called utility or dispensative 

economics, to which Aristotle devotes little attention here, 

having treated it sufficiently in Ethics IV [1-3, 13-171, 

where he discusses liberality and magnificence and their 

opposite vices. Next he takes up the subject (it the anrangenieiit 

and adornment of the house, called the ordinative 

division of economics. 

T. Regarding the use and handling of implements. 

G. Such as clothing, books, and jewelry. 

T. Both those in daily use as well as those used only 

rarely, they should be turned over to the managers or 

caretakers and these latter should look after them and 

be responsible for them. And they should have this 

responsibility for a fixed period of time, until inspection 

reveals what is left over and what is missing. 

C. This 1/ (338a) means that such caretaker slaves, 

who are under the immediate supervision of the master 

and in charge of the laborers, should receive these instruments 

on inventory and should render an account of them 

in a fixed period of time so that the master may see that 

everything is properly kept. Next he speaks of the arrangement 

of the buildings. 

T. The homestead should be so constructed as to 

provide for the shelter of everything and for the health 

and safety of the people living on it. I say everything, 

meaning to include such items as food, clothing, and 

place suitable for keeping things dry. 

C. Such as grain, for instamce. 

T. And also a place suitable for moist crops. 

C. Such as wine. 

T. Of the other possessions, what place is suitable 

for living things and for the slaves and the children, for 

the males and females, for foreigners and for fellowcitizens? 

C. The homestead should he so arranged that the animals 

and slaves, the houseservants and guests, time children 

and the mistress and master should each have a suitable 

place compatible in so far as possible with the honor, 

profit, and security of the entire household. And this falls 

within the discretion and perseverence of the person in 

charge of these matters. 

T. For reasons of health, the place should be cool in 

summer and warm in winter, 

C. In this connection, the doctors say that wise persons 

keep themselves warm in winter and cool in summer. And


la Saincte Escripture fait mention du roy Eglon, qui se 

seoit en son solier desté. Et en autres livres met comnie 

les roys de Jherusalcm avoient une niaison pour yver et 

autre pour esté. 

T. Et est bon quc ceste maison soit large ou ouverte 

vers bise et ne soit pas large equalment. 

G. Les vens devers bi- / (338b) se ou septentrion sunt 

plus sains que ceulz devers midi et out moms de vapeurs et 

de fumecs grosses. Et pour cc, les sales et les chambres 

doivent estre plus larges, cc cst a dire, plus ouvertes et 

avoir plus dc fenestres vers bise que vers midi, nleisnieinent 

es regions qui ne suit excessivement fredes. 

T. Item, en grandes yconomies ou en grans ostelz 

tin huissier ou portier semble estre profictable qui soit 

inutile en autres cevres. Ft que II soit pour le salut de 

cculz qui entrent en l'ostel et qui en issent. 

G. Afin que nut n'i entre pour mal faire et qu'il adresce 

les alans et les venans. Et dolt estre inutile a autres oevres, 

car cc ne est pas hien que it Jesse la porte. Et doit estre 

ancien pour triiex cognoistre les gens et pour savoir respondre. 

Ft de tcle office fait pluseurs fois mention La 

Saincte Escripture et un ordre de Saincte Eglise est ainsi 

appellé Hostiarius. 

T. Item, la maniere que l'en a en Attique est convenable 

quant au bon usage des vaisseaus. Car il convient 

que chescun soit mis en son lieu et se it est fait 

en ceste maniere, chescun vaisseau sera trouvé prestement 

et ne le conviendra pas querir. 

C. Or avons donques de l'ordenancc Ct aournement de la 

Inaison quant as utensilez et quant as edifices et as lieus et 

quant a Fuissier ou portier et quant a Ia vaissele. II 

ILIVRE III 

(339a) C y commence 1 Ic secunt livre de Yconomique, 

ouquel ii determine en especial et plus complectement 

dc communication nuptial ou de manage. Et 

contient .viii. chapitles. / 

(339b) 1, Ott premier chapitre ii determine comme 

la femme se doit avoir ou resgart des choses autres que 

son man. 

T. II convient que la femme 1 ait domination et 

seigneuric sus toutes les choses qui sunt dedens la 

maison et que die ait la cure de toutes ces choses selon 

les lays escriptes. 

C. Aristote met en cest chapitre vi. regles. Et ceste 

premiere est a entendre que Ia femme ait la cure et Ia garde 

et ordenance des choses qui sunt ou vont aval l'ostel, mes 

non pas de toutes universelnient, si comme des tresors du 

mari on de teles choses. Item, ii ite est pas a entendre que 

cue ait tele domination que elle les puisse aliener ott vendre 

fors aucunes petites. Et pour cc (lit it scion les lays, car 

les legislateurs seulent niettrc lays et cstatus sits teles 

chases. 

T. Item, elle ne doit souffrir que nul entre en la 

maison se Ic mari ne la commande. 

Holy Scripture mentions King Eglon, who used to sit in 

his granary or loft in summer [Judith 3 20]. And in 

other Books we are told that the kings of Jerusalem had 

both a winter and a suninier home. 

T. And this house should face the north and should 

be longer than it is wide, rather than square. 

G. North winds / (338b) are healthier than south winds 

and have less moisture and heavy fumes. Therefore the 

rooms and bedchambers should be wider and more open 

and have more windows facing the north than the south 

especially in regions not excessively cold. 

T. On large estates or households it seems to be 

profitable to employ a doorman or porter, who has no 

other duties to perform. He should serve to assure the 

safety of those entering or leaving the house. 

C. So that no one may enter for evil purposes, the porter 

should accost those leaving or entering and he should be 

expected to do no other work, because he should not leave 

his post at the gate. He ought to be an elderly man so 

that he may better recognize people and know how to talk 

with them. And Holy Scripture mentions such position 

several times and an order of II oiy Church is called 

Hostiarius. [The Ostiarius, or doorkeeper, holds the 

lowest of the minor orders in the Latin Church.] 

T. The practice of the Atticans is to be followed regarding 

the proper use of implements. For each implement 

should be put in its place and if this is done, it can 

be found quickly and will not have to be hunted for 

when needed. 

G. Thus we have the rules for the arrangement and 

organization of the homestead as to the tools, the buildings, 

and the site and also regarding the doorman or porter and 

the implements. // 

BOOK IT 

(339a) Here begins the second book of Economics, 

in which he considers particularly and more fully marned 

life or marriage. And it contains eight chapters. 

(339b) I. In the first chapter he discusses how the 

wife should conduct herself with respect to matters 

of/icr than her husband. 

T. It is fitting that the wife should have dominion 

and rule over all things within the house and that she 

should take care of all these things in accordance with 

the rules set forth above. 

C. Aristotle puts forward six rules in this chapter. And 

this first rule we interpret to mean that the wife is responsible 

for the protection and arrangement of those 

items which concern the running of the household but not 

of everything absolutel y, for example, not of her husband's 

moneys or such matters. Nor is it intended that she 

should have the right to dispose of or to sell more than a 

few minor items. This explains his expression iu accordance 

with the rules, because lawmakers customarily 

draw Up laws and statutes controlling such matters. 

T. She must not allow anyone to enter the house 

without her husband's permission.

VOL. 47 PT. 5, 1957] ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 827 

G. Cc est a dire, contre sa volenté et cc monstre ii apres 

par .iii. raisons. 

7'. Car elle doit creincire mesmement les paroles des 

femmes dehors, qui stint a la corruption de l'ame. 

G. Se cue souffroit hommes estranges entrer et converser 

a l'ostel, ses voisines en parleroient en inal. Et peut 

estre que aussi entent it que femmes estranges ni entrent 

pas; car ii pourroieflt corrumpre les bonnes meurs de elle 

par leur malvés langage. 

T. Item, et afin que elle seule sache les choses qui 

aviennent dedens la Inaison. 

G. Car it convient que toutes les melleurs faicent ou 

seuffrent aucunes choses privees. Et tie appartient 

(339c) pas que estranges les voient. 

T. Item, se aucune chose senestre ou mal a point est 

faicte par ceulz qui entrent en la maisnil, le mari a cause 

contre sa femme. 

G. Cc est assavoir, de la blastiier. Apres it met une 

autre regle ou enseignenielit. 

T. Item, cc est bon que elle soit dame des despens 

que i'en fait as festes et as convis, lesquclies festes on 

clespenses le mari seuffre et veult estre faictes. 

C. Car comule souvent est dit, elle doit gander et dispenser 

les choses de l'ostel au bon plaisir de son mari et a 

ses anus. Ft pource que femme est naturelnient tenante, 

elle fait les despens plus modesteiiient et le niari est excuse 

se la chose tie est plus grande. 

T. Item, que die use de despenses et de vestemens et 

die apparat mendre que les lays dc Ia cite ne commandent 

on scuff rent. 

G. Len seult iiiettre lays es cites que teles choses tie 

passent certain teriue ou mesure. Et tine bonne femme tie 

doit pas proceder siques a celle mesure; car it scnbieroit 

que encor passeroit elk oultrc se tie estoit la lay et que die 

nioderast cointise et teles choses par contraireté et non pas 

de volenté. 

T. Et (bit considerer que curiositC de querir vesteinens 

differens des autres en excellence de beauté tie 

multitude d'or tie fait pas tant a vertu de femme comme 

fait modestie et attrcmpance et desir de vie honeste et 

composee on bien ordenee. 

C. Ii dit multitude d'or car aucuns paremens de fenmies 

estoicnt d'or on dorCs. Et de cc fait mention / (339d) 

1'Escripture: Cunt ornata fueris monilli aureo, etc. 

T. Car chescun tel aournement est elation de corage 

et orgueil et se elle s'en garde, elle sera mout plus certame 

ciue justes loenges lui seront retribuees a sa 

viellece, et a elle et a ses filz. 

G. Car se elk excedoit en cointise, it senil)leroit queue 

tie lust pas chaste et despenderoit par quoy ses enfans 

seroicnt liloinS riches. Ft donques par ccstC moderation 

cIte sera moms suspecte a son mar : Confidit in ea cor yin 

sui et a ' autres et plus profectable a ses enfans et seront 

loés pour Ic bieii de cue. Mes pour cc nc se dolt cue pits 

vestir tie tenir villement et connie serve, ines honestenient 

et mojennement, scion son estat. 

C. That is, against his will. And he now clarifies this 

by three arguments. 

T. For she must dread especially the gossip of the 

women of the neighborhood, which can very well corrupt 

the soul. 

C. If she were to permit strange mento enter and live 

in the house, her female neighbors would spread a scandal. 

Possibly he means also that strange women should not be 

admitted either, for they might corrupt her with their 

evil speech. 

T. And also in order that she alone may know what 

is happening inside the house. 

C. For in the best home,,; it must happen that very 

private matters occur or transpire and strangers // (3390 

should not be allowed to witness them. 

T. If any untoward incident or any harm should 

happen because of those who visit the house, the husband 

has reason to blame his wife. 

C. That is, to complain against her. Next he states 

another rule or precept. 

T. It is good that she have control of the expenditures 

for festivities and banquets which the husband 

may permit and approve. 

C. As we have frequently said, she should watch over 

and spend the household goods according to her husband's 

pleasure and that of his friends. And since woman is 

naturally parsimonious, she spends more moderately than 

her husband and he is excused if his generosity is no 

greater. 

T. Her expenditures and her dress and ornaments 

should be less than the laws of the city stipulate or allow. 

C. It is customary to set regulations in cities limiting 

such expenditures. And a good wife should not even 

approach this limit, since it would be judged that she 

would wish to exceed the limit if there were no law and 

that her moderation in dress and adornment was actually 

against her will and contrary to her desires. 

T. And she should remember that eagerness to surpass 

other women in the beauty of her apparel or in the 

abundance of gold does not so much enhance feminine 

virtue as do modesty, temperance, and the desire for an 

upright and orderly life. 

G. lie says abundance of gold because certain materials 

for 'omens clothing were woven with gold or with gilded 

thread. And the Scripture makes mention of this: / 

(339d) "Although thou deckest thyself with ornaments of 

gold, etc." I Jer. 4: 301. 

T For such adornments incline her to arrogance 

and pride and if she avoids them, she will be much 

more certain to receive in her old age, for herself and 

for her children, the praise which is her due. 

C. For were she too alluring, it would seem that she 

WAS not chaste and that she was spending to the detriment 

of her children's inheritance. Moreover, her moderation 

will render her less suspect to her husband: "The heart of 

her husband doth safely trust in lien" [Prov. 31: 11]. And 

less suspect also to other people; and she will seem more 

precious to her children and they will be praised for her 

excellence. However, she should not dress or behave

828 LE LJVRE DE YCONOIIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

T. Item, ii convient donques que la femme mette en 

son corage qu'elle ait domination de teles choses ordeneement; 

car cc est chose indecente et desavenarite au man 

de savoir les choses qui stint faictes dedens ]a maison. 

C. II ne dolt pas particulierernent soy entremettre des 

aournemens de sa fenime tie de ses secrés ne des choses qui 

sunt aval l'ostel ou parmi I'osteL2 

T. Item, que en toutes autres choses elle entende a 

obeir au mari et quo die ne vielle ouir les choses civiles. 

G. Si coninie sunt les conseulz et les deliberations de la 

cite; car conseil do feinme tie est pas de grant value, si 

comme ii appert par Ic .xvi.° chapitre du premier de 

Politiques, et mesmenient en teles choses. 

T. Item, qu'elle ne vielle parfaire aucunes des choses 

qui as noces apparti- // (340a) ennent au manage de 

ses enfans. 

C. Aristote ne deffent pas qu'elIe ne soit appellee ad cc, 

mes Ia perfection appartient au mari mesniement quant a 

l'election des personnes et quant au douaire et quant au 

consentenient, 

T. Mes qtiant le temps le requerra, cc est chose convenable 

que elle baille hors et reçoive en l'ostel ses 

propres filz On les filles. 

C. Elle doit recevoir les femmes de ses his et tenir et 

nourrir taut que les filz soient eniancipés et doit bailler ses 

tilies a leurs espous en estat honeste. 

T. Et donques obeisse a son mari et ait deliberation 

ensemble oveques lui. 

C. Cc est a dire qu'elle s'acorde finablement en teles 

choses a Ia deliberation de son man. 

T. Item, se il commande, ii convient que elle obeisse 

et que elle ait ceste opinion que cc ne est pas tant laide 

chose a le homme de faire ou parfaire aucunes des 

choses qui sunt dedens l'ostel comme cc est a la femme 

de faire des choses qui stint dehors. 

C. Car se elle vouloit estre niaistrcsse quant as grandes 

choses dehors l'ostel, il senibleroit qu'elle vouldroit estre 

comme seigneur et dame. Et seroit plus grande abusion 

que se le mari vouloit estre maistre Ott s 'entremetoit d'aucunes 

des choses de l'ostel appartenantes a la femme. 

2. Ou secant chapitrë ii inoustre comine la femme se 

doit az'oir ou resgart dc son marl. 

T. Mes pour certain Ce est chose decente, avenante 

et appartenante que femme bien composed, bien ordenee 

prcngne les meurs de son mari et que elle les impose a 

sa vie comnie lays et regles et ait opinion que / ( 340b) 

ces meurs et ces lays liii furent iniposees de Dieu quant 

son mari et elle furent conjoins ensemble par manage 

et par fortune. 

G. Cc est a entendre des rneurs qui ne sunt vicieuses, Si 

conime en yeller et dorniir, en boire et en manger sobrement 

et en teles choses; car quant as temps et as lieus et a 

herself meanly, but correctly and to the measure of her 

station. 

T. Thus it behooves the wife to assume orderly rule 

over such matters because it is beneath a husband's 

dignity to know the things which are (lone in the house. 

G. He should not concern himself particularly with his 

wife's dress or with her secrets or with things generally 

within the house. 

T. In all other matters let her aim to obey her husband 

and let her eschew all political flatters. 

G Such as the councils and deliberations of the city, 

for in such matters particularly a woman's couio.eI is of 

little value, as was pointed out in Politics I, 5 [1260a, 101. 

T. Nor should she desire to participate in arranging 

(340a) the marriage of her children. 

G. Aristotle does not forbid that she he consulted in 

this regard; but the final arrangements are the prerogative 

of the husband, especially the choice of persons and the 

dowry and the final consent. 

T. Rather, when the time comes it is proper for her 

to give away her sons or daughters in marriage and receive 

them into the household. 

C. She should receive her sons' wives and keep and 

feed them until the sons are emancipated and she should 

hand her daughters over to their husbands in unblemished 

state. 

T. And obey her husband and deliberate together 

with him. 

G. That is, she should at length agree with her husband's 

judgment, 

T. If he commands, she must obe y and she should 

consider that it is not so unseemly, for the husband to 

occupy himself with things inside the house as it is for 

the wife to mix in matters outside the house. 

C. For should she desire to be mistress of the outdoor 

affairs of the household, it would appear that she was 

seeking to play the role of lord and master and this would 

be a far greater abuse of power than would be the husband's 

intervention in certain matters properly belonging 

to the wife's sphere of action. 

2. In the second chapter he shows how the zcifc should 

conduct herself wit/i regard to her husband. 

T. Surely it is fitting, appropriate and becoming for 

a wife of well-ordered and well-regulated life to adapt 

herself to her husband's manner of living and to conform 

her life to his as a law for her conduct. And she 

should consider that / ( 340b) his way of life and this 

law of conduct were imposed upon her by cod when 

she and her husband were united together by marriage 

and by fortune. 

C. This refers to his way of life in so far as it is not 

vicious; to such acts as waking and sleeping, drinking and 

eating soberly, and similar things. For as to the time and


la quantité et qualité des choses et as autres circonstances, 

elle se dolt conformer a la volenté de son man. Et en cc 

elle fait le plaisir de Dieu, Si comme it appert par le texte; 

car adonques les manages estoient fais es temples par la 

gent sacerdotal, qui conimandoient de par Dieu a Ia femme 

ceste obediance. Et de cc que it dit et par fortune, l'en doit 

savoir que nature encline it et it est acompli par 

consentement de volenté; mes que cestui ait ceste, cc est en 

partie et conimunelment a fortune. 

T. lit se cue seuffre et porte pacientnent et humblement, 

elle gouvernera legierement la maison et se non, 

elle avra plus fort a faire, 

G. Car se ainsi est qe Ic man vielle une chose et die 

vielie l'autre, it seront a descort. Apres it met WI autre 

enseignciuent. 

T. lit pour cc est cc chose avenante et appartenante 

qu'elle soit d'un corage ovelues son inari et se acorde 

a lui et le serve jouxte son vouloir, non pas seuleinent 

quant it eschiet qu'il vient a prosperité des choses et a 

autre glore. 

G. Par prosperifé ii entent richeces et par autre giore 

it entent honeur. 

T. Ales meisme en aversité. 

G. Api'es it met la nianicre. 

7'. Cc est assavoir, se it avenoit que it eust deffaute 

de aucunes des choses dehors, qu'elle lui secourist on a 

la maladie de son corps // (340c) OU a manileste ignorance 

de l'ame. 

G. Elle lui doit aidier en .iii. adversités ou infortunes 

cc est assavoir, des biens dehors, des hiens du corps, des 

biens de l'ame. 

T. lit qu'elle die tousj ours tres bonnes paroles et liii 

face service et obedience en choses avenantes et appartenantes 

fors qu'elle ne face quelconque chose laide 

on villaine ou qui ne soit digne ou appartenante a elle. 

Et se it a pechey en aucune chose vers elle par passion 

on mouvement (IC I'aine, die tie doit avoir memore de cc 

r.e soy complaitidre de rien aussi comme se it eust cc 

fait, mes doit mettre et tenir toutes ces choses estre 

faictes par cause de maladie et de ignorance et des 

pechies accidens. 

C. Par ces pechies it entent les douleurs, les courous et 

les perturbations des infortunes et des pertes des choses dehors; 

mcs en la maniere ici dicte, nc firent pas Ic femme de 

Job ne 1)luSeurS autres et lie suiit pas souvent trouvecs 

fenimes si vertucuses. Et pour cc dit Ic Sage: Mulierem 

tortem quis inveniet procul et de ultimis linibus preciuni 

ejus. Apres it prove cc que dit est par iii, raisons. 

7'. Car de tant comme aucun 1 obeira et servira plus 

diligeaument a un autre en ses adversités, tant 2 avra it 

et trouvera plus grande grace vers celui qui gueri, 

quant il sera delivré de sa inaladie. 

C. lit donques la femme, se die fait comme cut est, cue 

sera grandement en Ia grace et en l'aniuur de son man. 

Apres it met a ce Ia seconde raison prise du contraire. 

place and the amount and kind of such things and with 

respect to other accidental circumstances she must conform 

to her husband's will. In so doing, she fulfills the 

divine pleasure, as the text indicates. For at that time 

marriages were performed in the temples by the priests, 

who commanded this obedience from the wife in the name 

of the Deity. And the expression and by fortune means 

that natural instinct inclines us to marriage and it is 

embarked upon by consent of the will; but the choice of a 

certain woman by a certain mail is commonly, at least in 

part, a matter of chance, 

T. If she endures and bears her lot patiently and 

humbly, she will manage her household easily; otherwise, 

she will find it more difficult. 

G. Because if it happens that the husband wants one 

thing and she wants another, there will be discord. Next 

he sets forth another precept. 

T. Thus it is fitting and proper that she should be 

of the same mind as her husband and agree with him 

and serve him as he desires not only when he happens 

to be enjoying material prosperity and good repute. 

G. By prosperity he means wealth and by god repute 

he means worldly honors. 

T. But especially in time of adversity. 

C. He now explains what manner of adversity. 

T. That is, should it happen that he needed material 

assistance in some way, she should help him whether 

in bodily illness // (340c) or when he is the victim of 

his own faulty judgment. 

C. She should help him in three kinds of adversity: (1) 

those arising from a lack of worldly goods; (2) from 

bodily illness; and (3) from faulty judgment. 

T. She must always speak kindly and be obedient 

and helpful in all good and proper things, though she 

should not do any base or ugly action shameful or unworthy 

of herself. And if he has wronged her in any 

way from anger or distress of mind, she must not remember 

this or complain in any way that lie acted thus; 

rather she must attribute his actions to his sickness and 

ignorance and to accidental errors. 

C. By accidental errors lie means the sorrows, the anger 

and distress caused by misfortune and loss of material 

goods. However, neither Job's wife nor many others haveacted 

in this manner and such virtuous wives are not often. 

found. Thus Solomon says: "Who can find a virtuous 

woman? For her price is far above rubies" [Prov. 31: 101. 

Next he proves his statement by three arguments. 

T. For in proportion as one obeys and serves another 

diligently in his adversity, so much the greater will be 

his gratitude when lie is cured and delivered from his 

sickness. 

C. So that the wife, if she acts as just indicated above, 

will enjoy her husband's gratitude and love. Next he adds 

the second argument, taken front opposite point of 

view. /


T. Item, / (340d) se le mari tie est pas bien dispose 

et la femme tie obeisse a ce qu'il Iui commande, lors 

quant ii sera curé de sa maladie ii sentira et apercevra 

plus cc qu'elle avra fait et pour cc ii appartient bien 

qu'elle creingne tele chose. 

G, Car quant il sera gueri, ii avra miex usage de raison 

et par le memore de la desobeissance de elle, ii savra bien 

considerer sa deffaute. Apres ii met le tiers enseignernent. 

T. Mes en autres choses, cc est assavoir, en prosperités, 

cue doit rnout plus diligeaument obeir et servir 

que se elle eust esté achetee et ainsi fust venue a l'ostel. 

G. Si comme l'en achate une serve chantijeriere par 

pecune. 

T. Car cue fu achetee par grant pris, cc est assavoir, 

par societe dc vie. 

G. Siques a ]a mort, sans separer et non pas a temps 

comme chaniberiere ]once on conime serve achetee que l'en 

peut revendre. 

T. lit pour cause de la procreation de enfans, lesquelles 

choses stint teles que nulle tie pourroit estre plus 

grande fle plus sainCte. 

C. Cc est assavoir, en yconontie ou en communication 

doniestiquc: car sncictC dc manage, qui est pour procreation 

dentaits et pour mutuel aide, est chose saincte et 

divine, si conune ii appert par Ic tiers chapitre du l)relnier 

de Polttiques. Ft donques doit la femme miex obeir que 

la chaniberiere en choses appartenantes, mes non pas en 

vres serviles. Apres ii retourne a prover Ic secunt enseignement 

par une tierce raison. 

7'. Item, une femme se elle avoit vescu oveques tin 

honime heneuré on bien fortune et en bonne prosperité, 

sa bonne renommee // (341a) lie seroit pas semblablement 

tie taut divulguee tie taflt publice. 

G. Cc est assavoir, COfl1iC se cue avoit fait bonne coolpaignie 

a un marl mal fortune et en adversité. 

T. Car combien que cc tie soit pas pen de chose que 

non user then de prosperitd et non soy avoir humblement. 

G. Cc tie est pas peu de chose quant a estre blasmé, mez 

cc est grande chose quant a estre be dc bien user en. Car 

si conime il appert ou .xV.e cliapitre clu quart d'Ethiques, 

cc est fort die bien potter bonnes fortunes sans vertu. 

T. Toutesvoies, bien souffrir et bien soustenir adversitC 

est tine chose mont plus honorable et pour cause. 

Car non faire quelconque chose laide en temps quc l'en 

seuffre mont de douleurs et de injures, ce vient de 

corage fort et vertueus. 

C. Si cornrne il appert par Ic .XxVj.e chapitre du •vii.e 

de Poliliqucs et par Ic .Xvi.e chapitre du premier d'Ethiqucs. 

Ft pour cc sunt recommandes en IT-.scripture Job et 

Thobie. Aprcs ii met Ic quart enseignelnent. 

7'. Et donques est chose avenante et conveniente que 

femme ore et cleprie que son mari tie vienne et chiesce 

en adversite. 

C. Ft par cc appert comment Aristote induce et amoneste 

fenmic a devotion et a Dieu prier et doubter, jouxte 

(340d) T. If the husband is ill and the wife disobe 

y s hini, then when his health is restored, he will be 

more deeply aware of what she has clone. Thus it behooves 

her to fear such action. 

C. For when he is well again, lie will have better use 

of his reason and as he recalls her disobedience lie will be 

more conscious of her error. Next he states his third 

precept. 

7'. Otherwise, that is to say in prosperous times, she 

should serve him and obey much more earnestly than 

had site liceti bought and brought to the estate as a 

Chattel. 

C. As one buys a chambermaid for money. 

T. For site has been bought at great price, that is, 

as his life's companion. 

C. Until death without separation and not for a period 

of time like a hired woman or like a slave who can be sold 

again. 

T. And to share ill procreation of children. 

These things are such that none could be greater or 

more holy. 

C. That is, in the management of the household or in 

domestic Ii Ic : for the marriage relationship, which is for 

the procreation of children and for mutual help, is a holy 

and divine thing as was pointed out in Politics I, 2 [1253b 

Ill. Therefore, the wife should he more obedient than 

the chambermaid in her proper sphere, but not iii servile 

labors. Next lie reverts to his second precept to prove it 

by a third argument. 

T. When a wife has spent her life with a fortunate 

and prosperous man, her reputation // (341a) is not 

spread abroad nor are her virtues widely published. 

C. That is, not as would he the case if she had been a 

kind helpmate to an unfortunate and unprosperou.s husband. 

T. For although it is inexcusable to misuse prosperity 

, and to cast humility aside. 

C. It is not a minor matter when it is blameworthy, but 

it is highly important when prosperity is so employed as 

to merit praise. For, as is stated in Ethics IV, 15, good 

fortune is not easy to withstand without virtue. 

T. It is far more honorable to endure and face adversity 

with courage and this is as it should be. For it 

requires great courage not to commit some base deed 

when one is caught up in the midst of sorrow and 

troubles. 

C. As is shown in Politics VII, 12 [1332a 20 if.] and in 

Ethics I, 16. For this reason Job and Tobit are praised in 

Scripture. Next he places his fourth precept. 

T. Therefore, it is fitting that a wife should pray 

and beg that her husband may not come upon or fall 

into adversity. 

C. This indicates how Aristotle urges and admonishes 

the wife to devotion and prayer and fear of Cod, in ac-

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 19571 ORES\iE'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 831 

cc que (lit le Sage: Mulier timens Deum ipsa landabitur. 

Apres it retourne a declarer par exeniples Ia raison devant 

mise. 

T. Et se aucune chose (le mal liii avient, elle dolt 

jugier que en cc est la tres bonne et tres grande loange 

de femme sobre. 

cordance with Solomon, who says: "A woman that feareth 

the Lord, she shall he praised" LProv. 31: 3. Next he 

clarifies the argument just stated with examples. 

T. And if any evil should befall him, she should consider 

that this is the moment when a serious-minded 

wife may earn her highest praise. 

G. Car par soustenir advcrsités pacientement et gra- G. For by sustaining adversity with patience and good 

cieusement elle desert honneur et glore, jouxte cc que dit humor she merits honor and glory; as Solomon says: "A 

le Sage: Mulier graciosa inveniet / (341b) gloriam. gracious woman retaineth honor" [Pro'. 11: 16]. / 

T. Ft dolt cuidier que tine appellee Altiste 1 ne cust 

onques acquise a soy si grande glore ne une autre 

nornniee Penelope ne eust onques deservi tant ne si 

grandez loenges se elles eussent vescu oveques hommes 

beneurés on hien fortunes. Mes les adversitds de leur 

mans Anucti et [Jxiles leur appelierent et preparerent 

immortel et perpetuel memore. 

G. Altiste fu femme de Annuti et Penelope femme de 

Uxiles. 

T. Car pource que cues furent loiales et justes a leur 

homiiies en adversités, it out esté honorees des diex, non 

pas sans cause. 

G. Apres leur moi't, elies furent reputees pour sainctcs 

et receues en la compaignie des diex. 

T. Car en verité, cc est legiere chose de trouver 

participans en prospenité, mes en adversité ne veulent 

conimuniquer fenimes fors celles qui sunt tres bonnes. 

C. Ft qui aiment leur mans de bonne amour. Car si 

comme (lit Tulles, en adversités esprouve l jen son vray ami. 

Et scion l'Escripture, len ne cognoist pas son ami en 

prosperité; iiies celini qui est anenii se monstre enadversite: 

Non agnoscetur in bonis amicus et non abscondetur 

in malis inimicus. Apres it met une conclusion. 

T. Ft pour toutes ces causes, ii appartient et est 

chose avenante que femme honeure son mari mout plus 

en tel cas et que cue ne ait pas en verconde se, en sa 

saincte chasteté, ne s'ensuient richeces et autres biens, 

scion cc que disoit Hercules. 

G. Le texte fu nial translate ou est corrumpu en- 

(341c) ciroit; car it est differentement es Iivres et sans 

construction. Et en aucuns est nonimé Orpheus et est 

vraysctiililable pie Orpheus fist un livre ouquel, en la 

personne de Hercules, it disoit en sentence ciue femme 

iie doit pas avoir verconde de servir son niari en adversité, 

pose que par ceste vertu dIe ne vienne a aucune prosperité 

des biens de fortune. Et ceste auctorité allegue ici Aristote. 

Apres it recapitule. 

T. Ft donques convient il que femme se garde en 

tele maniere (IC lays et (Ic nicurs comme dit est grossenient, 

3. Ott tiers ii monstre quo Ic niari doit mettre cure a 

faire quo sa fcmine soit tres bonne. 

T. Le rnari doit mettre cure a trouver lays et regles 

m soient a sit femme en usage et de rnanieres semblables 

en incurs. 

(341b) T. She should realize that a certain woman 

named Alcestis would never have attained such fame 

nor would another called Penelope ever have deserved 

such praise had they lived with fortunate or prosperous 

husbands. But the adversities suffered by their husbands 

Admetus and Ulysses prepared for them and assured 

to them perpetual memory. 

G. Alcestis was the wife of Admetus and Penelope was 

the wife of Ulysses. 

T. Because they were loyal and just to their men in 

adversity, they have been honored by the gods, not 

without reason. 

C. After their death they were reputed to be saints and 

were received into the company of the gods. 

T. For in truth, it is easy to find partners in prosperity, 

but only the best of women are willing to share 

in adversity. 

C. And those who love their husbands with true affection. 

For as 'Fully [Cicero] says: In adversity one discovers 

his true friend [Do Amicitia VII, 23]. And according 

to Scripture one does not know his friend in time 

of prosperity, but adversity reveals one's enemy. "A 

friend is not known in prosperity and an enemy is not 

hidden in adversity" [Ecclicus 12: 8]. Next he sets down 

his conclusion. 

T. For all these reasons it is proper and fitting that 

the wife should honor her husband far more in such 

situations, nor should she be ashamed if, as a result of 

her exemplary conduct, wealth and other goods do not 

ensue, as Hercules used to say. 

C. The text was badly translated or is corrupt at 

(341c) this point, for it reads differently in different manuscripts 

and does not make sense. In certain texts Orpheus 

is named instead of Hercules and it seems possible that 

Orpheus wrote a book in which, in the person of Hercules, 

he makes the statement that a wife should not be ashamed 

to serve her husband in adversity, even though she may 

not he rewarded for this virtue by prosperity and material 

good fortune. And this is the authority cited here by 

Aristotle. Now he recapitulates. 

T. Therefore it behooves ;I to observe in this 

manner the laws and customs as roughly set forth above. 

3. In chapter three he points out that the husband must 

take heed that his wife be very good. 

T. The husband must undertake to establish rules 

and regulations for his wife's guidance with respect to 

the similarity of their tastes.


C. Ce est a dire que les incurs dc la femme soient 

proportionees et acordables as meurs de Ic homme, scion 

cc que fu dit ou chapitre precedent et ou tiers chapitrc du 

premier. Car si comme dit le Sage: Ce est une chose 

approuvee de Dieu et du monde que le mari et Iafenime 

qui sunt dun consentement et d'un acort. Apres it preuvc 

sa principal conclusion par .vi. raisons. 

T. Car elle est venue en la maison comme compaigne 

en procreation de filz ou de enfans et compaigne de vie.' 

C. Car ii ne doivent departir fors par mort. Et de ce 

dit l'Escripture que femme peche qui lesse son man 

Mulier reliiiquens virum suum peccabit. Ne le mari ne 

la doit lessie r:Nisi, et cetera. Car elle ne est pas serve, 

mes conipaigne, si comine disoit Adam de Eve: Mulier 

quam dedisti niichi sociam, etc./ 

(341d) T. Afin que cue lesse apres soy filz ou 

enfans qui avront les noms de son mari et de cue, qui 

les avront engendrés. 

C. Car les fllz portent Ic nom ou seurnom ou aucune 

denomination du pere, si comme Yen souloit dire en ceste 

Normandie: 1 Ricart Ic filz Roger, et aucunes fois de la 

mere. Et ont renonimee selon Ic memore de leur parens. 

T. Et donques queue chose pourroit faire homme de 

same pensee plus saincte ou plus divine. 

C. Un texte a Sancffl(s et en autre a diz'inius. 

T. Que procreer ou engendrer filz ou enfans de 

femme tres bonne et tres precicuse. 

G. Aussi comme se ii disoit que homme ne pourroit 

faire plus saincte chose. Et cc est a entendre des choses 

qui resgardent communication de maison; car operation 

contemplative est plus saincte et plus divine. Et donques 

le niari 2 dolt mettre diligence que la femme soit bonne 

aim que les enfans soient melleurs. Apres it met Ic hien 

qui peut venir des enfans. 

T. Lesquelz filz seront pasteurs et aussi comme tres 

bons, chastes et loialz garcles de la viellece du pere et de 

Ia mere. 

C. That is to say that the wife's likes and dislikes should 

correspond to and harmonize with those of her husband, 

as was stated in the preceding chapter and also in the third 

chapter of Book I. For as Solomon says:" It is approved 

by God and mankind that husband and wife should be of 

one mind and in complete agreement" [Ecclicus 25: 2]. 

Next he proves his principal conclusion by six arguments. 

T. For she came into his household as a companion 

in the procreation of children and as a partner in his 

life. 

C. For they are not to be separated save by death. And 

the Scripture says that a wife sins if she leaves her husband: 

"A woman that leaveth her husband sins" [Ecclicus 

23: 32]. And the husband must riot leave her; for she 

is not a slave, but a companion; as Adam said of Eve: 

"The woman thou gayest me as a companion, etc." [Gen. 

3: 12!. / 

(341d) T. So that she may leave after her the 

children who will bear the names of the husband and 

wife who have borne them. 

C. Because the children hear the name or surname or 

some one of the father's names; just as in this country of 

Normandy people used to say: Richard son of Roger, and 

sometimes the mother's name was included. And they are 

remembered publicly by the people's memory of the parents. 

T. And what could a man of healthy mind do that is 

more sacred or holy. 

G. One text reads more holy and another reads more 

sacred. 

T. Than to father the children of a good and precious 

wife? 

C. As though lie were saying that a man could perform 

no more pious act. And this refers to life within the 

household, because contemplation is more virtuous and 

divine. Thus the husband must see to it that his wife is 

a good person, so that the children may be better. Next 

he speaks of the benefit to be derived from children. 

T. These children will be like shepherds and kind, 

pious, and loyal protectors of their parents in their old 

age. 

C. Car aussi comme Ic pasteur repaist et garde et def- C. Just as the shepherd feeds, watches over and protects 

fent ses ouailles, semblablement doivent faire filz et filles his flocks, so must sons and daughters care for their aged 

a leur ancienS parens. parents. 

T. Et seront conservateurs ou gardes de toute la 

maison? 

C. Et cc est scion l'Escnipture qui dit: Mortuus est 

pater et quasi non est mortuus ; similem enim sibi relinquit 

post se, etc. Relinquit enim deffensorem domus contra 

inimicos et amicis redden- // (342a) temgratiam. Quant 

le pere est mort U est aussi conime se it ne fu pas mort; 

car ii lesse apres soy semblable a soy, qui deffent et garde 

la maison contre lcs ennemis et rent graces as amis du 

pere. Apres II met la seconde raison. 

T. Item, car se les enfans sunt bien et a droit nourris 

et entroduiz par le pere et par la mere et qu'il usent des 

enfans on facent les enfans user et soy avoir justernent 

et sainctenient. 

C. Sainctement quant a Dieu on vers Dieu; et justement 

quant as homnies. 

T. And they will safeguard and preserve the entire 

household. 

C. This accords with Scripture, which says: Mortuus 

est pater et quasi non est niortuus; si iem enimn sibi 

relinquit post se, etc. Relinquit defensoreni domus contra 

iiiimicos et amicis reddemitem 7/ (342a) gratiam. "When 

the father dies, it is as though lie were not dead, because 

he leaves behind one like himself to defend and protect 

his estate against enemies and to do good deeds to his 

friends' [Ecclicus 30: 4]. Next he states the second 

argument. 

T. For if the children have been properly trained 

and educated by the father and mother and have been 

treated kindly and brought up to behave piously and 

righteously. 

C. Piously with respect to Ged and righteously with 

men.

VOL. 47, ?T. 5, 19571 ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 833 

T. Adonques seront it faiz bons aussi comme a bon 

droit ou a bonne cause; et se it ne obtiennent ceste 

chose, it souffreront deffaute. 

G. Cc peut estre entendu des enfans qui avroient deffaute 

de sens et de bonnes incurs se it ne estoient chastiés 

en ,joennece. Car si comme it appert par le premier 

chapitre du secunt d'E!/iiques, tres grande difference a de 

soy acoustumer a une chose en joennece on autre. Et 

de cc depent toute la vie, Et pour cc (lit Ic Sage: Fuji 

tibi sunt; erudi illos et curva illos a preniicia illoruni. Len 

doit enseigner ses filz et chastier des ]cur enfance et mesniement 

car it sunt ignorans. Et pour cc dit le Sage: 

Stulticia colligata est in corde pueri et virga discipline 

fugabit earn. L'en les fait sages par discipline. Et oveques 

cc, it sunt enchns a mal scion FEscripturc qui dit : Sensus 

enim et cogitacio cordis huniani prona sunt ad nialum ab 

adolescencia sua. Item, Ic texte pent estre 1 exposé: des 

parens qui avront deffaute en leur viellece, se au commencement 

it entreduissent leur enfans teicment qu'il devi- 

/ (342b) ennent malvés ; cal' miex vault mourir sans enfans 

que lessier les maivés, scion cc que (lit le Sage: Utile est 

mon sine tiliis quam relinquere filios impios. Et donques 

les parens doivent enduire 1 les enfans a bien par bonne 

discipline. Apres it met comme it doivent cc faire par 

example. 

T. Car se les parens ne clonnent a icur enfans example 

de bonne vie, ii pourront avoir, cc est a dire, 

prendre pure et excusable cause vers leur parens. 

G. It sc cxcuseront de cc qu'il ne sunt bons; car les 

enfans prennent garde a icur parens et ensuient volentiers 

leur fais: Patrem sequitur sua proles. Et Uen dit coinniunelment: 

Tele est la mere, tele est la fi]le. Item, it se 

excuseront de aidier as parens qui ont esté negligens de 

les nourrir a droit, combien que, par aventure, ces causes 

ne les excusent pas du tout scion verité, mes selon apparance. 

T. Et doivent lez parens avoir paourque finablement 

leur filz ne les aient en despit et que it ne soient cause 

de ]cur destruction ou mort parce qu'iI ne vivent pas 

bien. 

G. Cc peut cstre exposé des filz qui seront cause (le la 

mort des parens; car it ne leur vouldront secourir en leur 

villece pource qu'il seront nialvés. item, cc peut estre 

exposé des parens, car Ia malice de leur vie et de ]cur doctrine 

est souvent cause de Ia mort des enfans. Et de cc 

recite ici Barthelem y de Bruges que un que Yen nienoit 

pendre requist que ii baisast sa mere et lui esrasa Ic nes 

as dens, 2 en disant que die estoit cause de sa mort. Et 

I'Escripture (lit que les filz se complaignent du pere felon 

Dc pa- // (342c) tre impio qucruntur 1 !ilii. Apres it 

conclut. 

T. Et pour cc, it appartient an niari qu'il ne lesse ou 

trespasse rien qui face a Ia doctrine (IC sa femme, afin 

que jouxte ]cur possibilité it puissent procreer et engendrer 

enfans aussi comme de tres bons parens. 

G. Car si comrne it appert par Ic sixte chapitrc du 

premier de I'olitiqucs, comniunelment de boils parens viennent 

bons enfans, Ft donques Ic niari doit avoir solicitude 

et cure que sa fenlnie soit bonne. El cc prove Aristote 

apres par la tierce raison. 

T. Then they will grow up virtuous as they rightly 

should. And if the parents do not obtain this result, 

they will be the losers. 

G. This can he understood to refer to those children who 

might lack intelligence or good habits if the y were not 

thoroughly disciplined in their youth. For, as stated in 

Ethics II, 1, there is a great difference in growing accustomed 

to one thing or to another ill one's youth. And 

the entire life is affected by this, thus Solomon says 

"Have you sons, correct them and guide them from their 

childhood" [Ecclicus 7: 25]. One should instruct and discipline 

his children from infancy, especially because they 

are ignorant. And Solomon says: 'Foolishness is bound 

in the heart of a child; but the rod of correction shall drive 

it far from him" [Pros'. 22: 15]. Discipline makes them 

well behaved. Children are, moreover, inclined to evil, 

as the Scripture says-: For the imagination of man's heart 

is evil from his youth" [Gen. 8: 21]. The text may be 

explained as referring to parents, who will be needy in 

their old age if, at the beginning, they educate their children 

in such manner that they become / ( 342b) wicked. 

For it is better to die childless than to leave wicked children 

behind, as Solomon states: "It is better to die childless 

than to leave an impious posterity" [Ecclicus 16: 41. 

Therefore, parents should train their children by good 

discipline. Next he shows how parents must accomplish 

this by their example. 

T. If the parents (10 not offer their children the example 

of a good life, these latter ma y in their turn find 

good and sound cause to mistreat their parents. 

G. They will discover an excuse to explain why they 

are not good. For children observe their parents and 

readily follow their example: "The offspring follows its 

father" [Latin proverb]. And there is a common saying: 

Like mother, like daughter. They will refuse to help the 

parentswho have neglected to care for them properly even 

though this is perhaps no satisfactory excuse in actual 

truth, but only in appearance. 

T. And parents must fear lest in the end their children 

despise them and cause their destruction or death 

because of their evil manner of living. 

G. This can be interpreted to refer to the children, who 

will cause their parents' death since the children, because 

of their evil ways, will not be willing to help their parents 

in their old age. Or it may refer to the parents, since 

their evil ways are often the cause of their children's death. 

And at this point in his commentary, Barthélemy of Bruges 

tells the story of a man who was being taken to be hanged. 

He begged to be allowed to kiss his mother and he bit off 

her nose with his teeth, saying that she was the cause of 

his death. And Scripture says that the children complain 

about a wicked father: "A godless father do the // (342c) 

children curse" [Ecclicus 41: 10]. Now he concludes. 

T. Therefore it is the husband's business to leave 

nothing undone to assure his wife's training, so that, to 

the extent of their powers, they may together raise up 

their children as good parents should. 

G. As appears in Politics I, 2 [1255b 2], good parents 

generally produce good children. Therefore, the husband 

must exercise great care that his wife is a good wife. And 

Aristotle proves this by his third argument. 

t 

vp.. t 

c

834 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARJSTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

T. Item, le cultiveur de la terre ne trespasse ou lesse 

rien qui lui convienne en estudiant afin que ii consume 

et inette sa semence en tres bonne terre et mesmenient 

que die suit tres bien cultivee. Car it est expectant ott 

atendant qu'ainsi et par ce lui sera fait et rendu tres bon 

fruit. Ft veult pour ceste terre qu'elle tie ptusse estre 

gastee et se ii convient ciue en ceste maniere et pour ce 

ii meure cii soy combatant as ennemis, tele mort est 

mesmement et grandement honoree. 

C. Car cc est pour justice et pour garder cc de quni len 

doit vivre. 

T. The tiller of the soil takes every precaution in 

seeking out the best earth in which to sow his seed and 

he sees to it that this land is well cultivated. For he 

expects in this manner to obtain a reward of the best 

harvest. In order to protect this land from devastation, 

he is willing if necessary to die fighting his enemies and, 

indeed, such a death is deemed highly honorable. 

G. Because this is in the cause of justice and in order 

to protect his means of existence. 

T. Et donques, puisque si grande estude et diligence T. Therefore, since such zeal and diligence are cx- 

est faicte pour la viande du corps. . . . erted to provide bodily nourishment. 

G. En pluseurs textes apres ces inoz pro car/ions e.cea 

s'ensuit : Ad quam anime semen consumitur quid si 2 pro 

suis liheris, etc. Ce est a dire ciuc ad cc est consumee la 

sentence de l'ame, par laquelle les expositeurs entendent les 

esperis et la pensec, qui est grande en tel labeur dc terre. 

Mes Sc- / ( 342d) Ion une autre lecture 1 et nhiex, ce me 

semble, apres ces moz pro corporis esca s'ensuit: Quippc 

pro servorum bliorum matte atque nutrice in quani anixue 

semen dispensatur omnis opera est adhibenda. lit cc ay je 

translate et cuide que on it a servorum ii doit avoir suorum 

Jiliorum, etc. 

T. Quelle merveille est ce se toute entente est a 

mettre et toute estude a faire an niari pour la mere et 

nourrice de ses enfans. 

C. lit par cc appert que La femme doit nourrir ses enlans, 

Si conime nionstre Aggelius par tres bcles raisons, si comme 

ii fu touchie ou .xXXVij.e chapitre dii .vji.e (Ic Pot itique.c. 

T. En laquelle la semence de l'ame est dispensee? 

C. Selon Barthelemy de Bruges, par ceste sentence dc 

l'ame peut cstre entendue la bonne monition quc le niari 

fait a la femme; car de ce vient Ic fruit de vertu, ce Sunt 

bonnes cevres. Et est jouxte ce ciue dit lErangile: Semen 

est verbum Dci. lit par aventure, par cc est entendu Ic 

germe de l'honime, lequel germe est scmcncc de vie. Ft 

ame, cc est vie: Anima est vita. Et donques se l'en met 

grande cure a faire la terre bonne ou l'en met semence 2 

de viande, taut plus doit Yen estuclier a faire la femme 

bonne, dc laquelle Yen attend fruit de vie.Ft ceste exposition 

est concordable au texte. Apres it met la quarte 

raison. 

7'. Item, que par ceste seule chose toute chose mortele 

participe sus Ic fait de immortalité ou de perpetuité. 

C. Cc est assavoir, en faisant generation. Ft donques 

se homme met bonne dilligence a cc par quoi it a bun 

nourrissement et durce a sa vie seulement, it doit mout 

plus curer quc cc soit bun par quoy ii participe selon es- // 

(343a) pece en si noble chose comme est perpetuité. Et 

cc est generation, si comme it appert par le.tiers chapitre 

du premier. lit par consequent, it doit bien curer quc la 

femme soit bonne en qui it fait si digne chose. Apres it 

met la quinte raison. 

T. Toutes les petitions et oroisons tant comme elles 

stint permanens des paternes. 

C. Selon tine exposition, cc est a dire pour les paternes; 

et sunt les prieres que les enfans funt taut conime it vivent 

C. In several texts, after the words to provide bodily 

nourishment the following sentence reads: Ad quam anime 

semen consumitur quid si pro suis liberis, etc. This 

may be rendered: 'Tor this purpose the seed of the living 

soul is consumed," which the expositors explain to mean 

the spirit and thought which is essential in this type of 

land cultivation. But •/ (342d) another reading, which I 

think is better, continues after to provide bodily nourishmcnt 

as follows: Quippe pro servoruni filiorum matre atque 

nutrice in quani anime semen dispensatur omnis opera est 

acihibenda. And I have translated this reading in the text 

below and I think we should alter servorum to read suorum 

fihiorum, etc. 

T. Is it then surprising that the husband should give 

all his attention and carc to the mother and nurse of 

his children. 

G. Thus it pIno- that the wife should nurse her children, 

as Aulus Gellitis argues so well .'l iiic Nights XII, 

1, 71, which was mentioned in Politics VII, 15 1_1336a 7 II.]. 

T. In whom the sect! of his soul is expended? 

C, According to BarthC]eniy of Bruges, the seed of his 

said may be taken to itican the good advice that the husband 

gives his wife, because front come the fruits of virtue, 

namely, good works. And this is similar to the statement 

in the Evangel : "The seed is the word of God" [Luke 8 

ill. Perhaps the meaning is the male germ, which is the 

seed of life. And the soul is life: Anima vita est. If, 

therefore, we take great care to prepare the ground well 

in which to plant seed for food, all the more ought we 

to try to make our wife good, front whom we expect to 

obtain the fruit of life. And this explanation fits the text. 

Next he presents the fourth argument. 

T. For through this means alone do all mortal things 

participate in immortalit y or perpetuity. 

C. This refers to the process of generation. Ilius if a 

man pa ys so much attention to his material sustenance and 

to longevity, lie should pay far more attention to the goodness 

of that through which lie participates as a titan // 

(343a) in such a noble thing as immortality. And this 

is the process of generation, as indicated in the third 

chapter of the first Book. Consequently, he must make 

certain that the woman with whom he participates in such 

a worthy act is a good woman. Next he states his fifth 

argument. 

T. And thus all petitions and prayers continue to be 

offered regularly to the ancestral gods. 

C. According to one explanation, this means for the 

ancestors. And the prayers are those offered by the chil-

VOL. 47, PT. S,1957] ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 835 

et sunt permanens pour leur paternes et parens. Car 

anciennenient it faisoient tres solennciies exeques et sacrelices 

pour leur parens, Si COmflle it appert par Ics hystoires. 

Et met Virgule ou quint de Eneyde commc Eneas celebra 

solennelment l'annuel de son pere: Anrius exactis cornpietur 

mensibus orbis ex quo reiiqui;ts divinique ossa 

parentis condidimus terra, et cetera. EL apres est comme 

it promist a faire de cc remembrance chescun an: Jamque 

dies nisi fallor adest quem scrnper acerbum, semper honoratuni 

sic dii voluistis haheho. Et a ceste exposition 

s'acorde une autre lecture, qui en lieu de orationes palernorum 

met orationes puerorum. Et ccci est grande reproce 

a nous qui avons vraie creance Se nous tie prions pour nos 

predecesseurs: Sancta ergo et salubris est cogitacio pro 

defunctis exorare. Et donques chescun doit moult curer 

de avoir bonne lignie qui de cc face son devoir. Et par 

consequent, que sa femme soit bonne. Mes scion une 

autre exposition, par ces moz oraciones paternorum sunt 

a entendre les oroysons que les parens charneiz et les 

prestres qui sunt parens esperituelz faisoient pour le 

homme et pour la femnie quant it assembioient par manage, 

afin qu'ii eussent bonne lignie, aussi comme maintenant 

l'en ics benoist et / (343b) mesmement lit femme et fait 

l'en oroysons. Et CC qui sensuit s'acorde a une exposition 

et a l'autre. 

T. Et nionqucs ceuiz qui ces choscs contempnent ou 

qui les out en despit et n'en tiennent compte, ii semble 

qu'ii ne curent des diex. 

G. Ne de oroisons divines. Et comme autrefois est dit, 

Aristote tie niettoit quun seul dieu; mas it pane selon Ic 

comniun peuple, qui niettoient pluseurs diex. Apres it 

met la sixtu raison. 

T. Item, et pour Ins (hex (levant lesquclz le man 

sacriha et occist sacrifices et cspousa sa femme et se 

bailia a cite a honeur moult plus qtie a autre apres ses 

parens. 

G. Car en ccl temps len solenmizoit le nianiage es 

temples devant les ydoles et Ic mari offroit et sacrifloit 

et tuoit aucune beste et juroit et proniettoit quil feroit et 

garderoit honcur a sa femme. Et encor niaintenaflt, en 

cest pals, dit Ic homme a la femme quant it l'espousc: Et 

de cest aneau te honncure, 1 etc. Et senible que teies choses 

qui ont esté reputees bonnes et tenues teles ou semblables 

en toutes lays et en tous temps sojent aussi comme lays 

natureles. Or avons donques que Ic man doit honeur a 

sa femme et nut tie est a honorer se it tie est hon. Et 

donques doit it faire a son povoir que sa femme soit bonne. 

4. Ou quart chapitre ii moustre par queues lays et 

coinme le inari doit faire que sa Jemnie soit bonne. 

T. A sobre femme tres grant honeur est se elle voit 

que son mari Iui garde chaste. 

G. Car it est tenu a cc comme dit est et iui fait en cc 

tres grant honeur. 

ciren as long as they live and these are continuous for their 

ancestors and parents. Formerly in ancient times, the 

children performed solenin funeral rites and sacrifices for 

their parents, as is recorded in the histories. And Vergil 

relates in Aencid V 46-7 1, how Aeneas celebrated solemnly 

the annual date of his father's death: 'An annual circle of 

twelve full months has been completed since we laid in the 

earth the ashes and bones of my fattier, etc." And there 

follows the promise lie made to rellieliut)Cn this occasion 

each year: "And now, if I mistake not, the day draws nigh 

that I shall forever (so, 0 gods, you have willed it) deem 

both sacred and sad' [Aeneid V, 49-501. And a different 

reading, in which we find prayers of the children instead 

of prayers of the ancestors, supports this interpretation. 

And we deserve to be reproached if, although we possess 

the true faith, we do not pray for our predecessors: "It is 

a holy and pious thought to pray for the dead" [II Mace. 

12: 46]. Therefore, everyone must try to have good 

progeny who will perform these rites dutifully. And it 

follows that one's wife must be a good woman. But according 

to another interpretation, the words prayers of the 

ancestors refer to the prayers offered by time parents and 

the priests for the husband and wife when they are united 

in marriage, in order that they may have good offspring; 

just as at present husband and wife are blessed, / (343b) 

especially the wife, and prayers are offered. And the 

following passage admits of either one of these interpretations. 

T. And thus those who treat these things lightly, 

disdainfully, or pay no attention to them would seem to 

treat the gods slightingly. 

G. And divine prayer likewise. And as we have said 

before, Aristotle held that there is only one god, but lie 

speaks here the language of the common people, who 

assumed there were several gods. Next he presents the 

sixth argument. 

T. Therefore, for the sake of the gods in whose 

presence the husband has offered sacrifice and has married 

his wife and has promised to honor her above all 

others save only his parents [a man must care for his 

wife and children. (Sentence incomplete in Latin 

original.)]. 

C. For at that time marriage was solemnized in temples 

in the presence of idols and the husband gave an offering 

and sacrificed an animal lie had killed and then lie swore 

and promised to keep and protect the honor of his wife. 

And in this country even today, the man says to the woman 

when he marries her: "And I honor you with this ring, 

etc." And it would seem that acts of this nature which 

have been considered good and held to be fitting and proper 

in all times and under all customs are like natural laws. 

Thus we assume that the husband should honor his wife 

and no one deserves honor if he is not good. Therefore, 

the husband must do everything possible so that his wife 

may be good. 

4. In the fourth chapter he shows how and by what 

rules the husband should act so that his wife may be 

good. 

T. A modest wife is greatly honored if she sees that 

her husband is faithful to her. 

C. For he is obligated to act thus as indicated above 

and in so doing lie pays her great honor.

836 LF. LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. Soc. 

T. Et se ii iie cure tic (Luelconque femme plus ne tant 

comme de elle, // (343c) ines ait estimation et cuide et 

La tienne devant toutes autres propre et arnie et loiale. 

C. Cc est un enseignernent lequel ii prove apres par iii. 

raisons. 

T. Car se la femme cognoist et apparçoit que son 

mari soit amiable et a elk et qtfil se porte vers elle 

Ioialment et justement, de tant estudira die plus a estre 

tele et sera vers son mari justement Ioiale. 

G. Apres ii met comme les honeurs sunt differens. 

T. Et donques ne appartient ii pas que homme prudent 

ignore et ne sache queues honcurs stint deus a ses 

parens ne qtieiz a sa femme ne qtielz stint propres et 

avenans a ses enfans afin que parce qu'il retribue a 

chescun les choses qui stint siennes, ii soit fait juste et 

saint. 

C. Car si comnie ii appert plus a plein on tiers chapitre 

du .ix. e d'Ethiqucs, autre honeur est (leue on pere et autre 

• la mere et autre a sa femme et autre a ses freres et autre 

• autres, etc. 

T. Item, que chescun seuffre et porte mesmernent 

plus gniefment quant Yen Ic prive de soil 

C. Car honeur est la tres nielleur chose de totis les locus 

dehors, si comnic ii appert on .Xjji.e cliapitre (10 quart 

d'Efhiqucs. 

T. Et meisme se aucun donne moult de autres choses 

en ostant a cellui a qui ii donne ses propres choses, ii 

ne prendra pas telz en gre. 

C. Car chescun aime miex Ic sicn propre et lie veult 

pas estre injurié. 

T. Et rien ne est plus grant ne plus propre a femme 

ou resgart de son mari que Societe ou coinpaignie honorable 

et loiai. 

G. Et donques se elk estoit (lefrauclec et perdoit ceste 

chose, elle seroit / ( 343d) triste et truhlee et cureroit moult 

moms des autres choses et par cc, le ostel unit a honte. 

T. Item, car ce ne est pas chose avenante ne appartenante 

a homme de same pensee qu'il mette sa semence 

partout Ia on ii eschiet. 

G. Et ne lui chant ou convient, Si coiiuiie font les Sodoflutes. 

T. Ne qtie ii mette sa propre sentence indifferentement 

a chescune femme de qui ii approce. 

C. Apres il met a cc .iii. causes pour iii. iiauiivunicns 

qui s'ensuiroient. 

T. Aim que as 1 bastars mal engendrés et iniques ne 

soient faictes choses semblables si comme as filz frans et 

legitimes. 

G. Car ii convendroit appeller les fllz et nourrir les. Et 

ce est selon aucuns textes on ii a similia; et selon aucuns 

autres ou ii a similes l'en peut dire ainsi: Ou afin que les 

T. And if he cares for no other woman more or so 

much as for her, // (343c) but esteems her and considers 

and regards her as his very own loyal friend before 

all other women. 

C. This is a precept which he now proves by three 

arguments. 

T. For if the wife knows and perceives that her 

husband loves her and belongs to no other woman and 

behaves loyally and justly towards her, she will he all 

the more zealous to he faithful and righteous toward 

him likewise. 

C. Next lie points out the different kinds of honors. 

T. Therefore, it is not right that a prudent man 

should remain ignorant of the honors which he properly 

owes to his parents and those due to his wife and also 

those that are suitable and proper for his children, so 

that since he properly attributes to each person those 

honors which are rightly his, he may be held to be both 

just and holy. 

C. For as is explained more fully in Ethics IX, 3, one 

kind of honor is due to the father and another kind to the 

mother and another to the wife and still another to his 

brothers and another kind to others, etc. 

T. For everyone suffers and resents most grievously 

when he is deprived of the honor due him. 

C. Because honor is the most precious of external goods, 

as shown in Ethics I V, 13. 

T. And even if one is given abundantly of those 

things which rightly belong to others, he will not accept 

such things gladly if deprived of his own. 

C. Because everyone prefers to have what belongs to 

him and does not want to be slighted. 

T. And nothing is more important to a wife or more 

properly her right in her relations with her husband 

than honorable and loyal partnership and companionship 

with 111111. 

C. And, therefore, if site were cheated and lost this 

relationship, she would be / ( 343d) saddened and disturbed 

and she would take much less care of other things and thus 

the household would fall into shameful neglect. 

T. For it is neither proper nor fitting that a man of 

sound mind should scatter his seed about wherever it 

may fall. 

C. Nor is it necessary or right, as the Sodomites do. 

T. Nor that he plant his seed indifferently in every 

woman he comes near. 

C. Next he gives three causes for three inconveniences 

which would follow. 

T. So that the bastard children of sin may not he 

treated as equals of the authentically legitimate children. 

C. For these bastard children will have to be called his 

children and be brought upand fed. And this translation 

follows certain texts which read .cinzilia; and according to


fllz qui sunt des fernmes qui forlignent et sunt malveses 

et iniques ne soient faites semblables 2 as filz frans et qui 

sunt legitimes. Car coniniunelment les filz sunt semblables 

au pare et les uns as autres. lit les femmes sunt malveses 

qui s'abandonncnt a ceulz qui ne sunt leur mans. lit ainsi 

avons le premier inconvenient doubiement translate et 

exposé. 

T. Et donques de ces choses est deue au mari reverence, 

cc est a dire, cure oveques diligence. 

T. lit afin que la femme ne soit privee de son 

honeur. 

G. Ce seroit le secont inconvenient, 

T. Et afin tine de cc ne soit ajoinst ou ne vienne 

reproce as filz legitinies. 

G. Cc est tres grande villenie a un liomme quant len 

peut dire qua sa mere ne fu pas chaste. Et homme doit 

estre plus vertucus qua femme. lit pour cc, par aventure, 

selon verité at salon raison, encor est cc plus grant re- // 

(344a) proce quant Yen iui peut dire que son pere ne tint 

a sa mere ne by ne loiaité et qu'il fu un nibaut. 

5. Ou quint chapitre ii met autres enscigne-utens pour 

faire Ia femme bonne. 

T. Ce est chose decente, avenante at appartenante 

quc le honime approce de sa femme bien composee. 

G. Quant a bonnes incurs et quant au fait de generation. 

Car ou chapitre precedent Aristote a monstré comme Ic 

mari ne doit touchier autre femme que la sienna. lit en 

cast chapitre it met premierement comma it doit approcer 

de Ia sienne. 

T. Oveques moult I grande honesté at modcstie ou 

attrempance at ovcqucs verconde nu honte, en lui 

donnant paroles de conjunction cliarnele tales comme it 

appartiennent a cevre generative qui est de bonne 

manicre et licite et honeste. 

G. Car Se it approçoit de die trop hardiment et sans 

vcrconde et oveques paroles deshonnestes at en maniere 

dissolue, it la feroit trop hardie et la feroit encline a incontinence 

et a appeter 2 autre homnie. Et ne est pas 

maniere de gens chastes, mes de hommes incontinens at 

vers bias feiiiimies. Apres it met on autre enseigiletlient. 

T. Item, it doit vers cue user de moult grant modestie 

on attrempance et de moult de foy en lui remettant et 

pardonnant les pechies petis et voluntaires. 

G. Si comma aucunes negligences, deffautes ou simpIeces 

qua ella fait pour la fragillité du sexe. Car se 11 

vouloit tout pugnir asprement, it feroit mal et / (344b) 

pechey et avroit trop a faire. 

T. Item, se die peche aucune chose par ignorance.... 

G. Cc est a entendre de cc qua elle dat savoir, car 

autrenient ella ne pecheroit pas. 

T. It la doit arnonester telement qu'il ne iui face pas 

avoir paour at creinte qui soit sans verconde et sans 

reverence oveques amour. 

some other texts which read siniiies, the translation would 

be: Or in order that the children of the women who are 

promiscuous and wiked and evil may not become the 

equals of the children who are truly legitimate. Because 

children are generally much like their father and like one 

another. And those women are wicked who give themselves 

to men who are not their husbands. Thus we have 

translated and doubly explained the first inconvenience. 

T. And so that the wife may not be robbed of her 

honor.. 

C. This would he the second inconvenience. 

T. And in order that no shame should attach or 

cling to the legitimate children. 

C. It is a great shame for a man when people cars say 

that his mother was not chaste. And a man must be more 

virtuous than woman. Perhaps, therefore, it is true and 

reasonable to consider it to be a greater reproach even // 

(344a) when people can say to a man that his father did 

not keep faith or honor with his mother and that his father 

was a debauched person. 

T. Therefore, a man imist give reverent attention to 

these matters, that is to say, diligent care. 

5. In the fifth chapter he gives at/icr precepts to make 

the wife a good woman. 

T. It is a decent, proper and fitting procedure that 

the husband should approach his wife when she is calm 

and composed. 

C. With regard to good morals and to the matter of 

sexual relations. Because in the preceding chapter Aristotle 

has shown that the husband should touch no other 

woman than his own wife, in this chapter he first states 

how he should approach his own. 

T. With great courtesy and modesty or self-restraint 

and also with awe and humility, speaking to her such 

words concerning carnal union as are fitting and suitable 

to the lawful anti honorable performance of the sexual 

act. 

C. For should he approach her too roughly and shamelessly 

and use indecent language and behave in a dissolute 

manner, he would make her too brazen and incline her to 

incontinence and to lust after another man. And this is not 

the way chaste persons act but rather the manner of incontinent 

men toward wanton women. Next lie sets down 

another precept. 

T. He should treat her with great modesty and selfrestraint 

and trust, forgiving and pardoning her trivial 

and spontaneous mistakes. 

C. Such as certain negligences or artless faults she 

commits through the common frailty of her sex. For if 

lie were to punish her sharply, he would do wrong and 

/ (344b) commit a sin and he would have far too much 

to do. 

T. If she has done wrong through ignorance.... 

C. This refers to something which she ought to know, 

for otherwise she would not be committing a sin. 

T. He should admonish her in such a Way that he 

does not inspire in her fright of a sort that might be 

shameless and devoid of loving respect for him.

838 

G. Et cc sera declare apres. 

T. Item, qu'il ne soit pas negligent oil ne 

rigoreus. 

G. Car se it estoit trop dehonnere et trop niol et it Jui 

lessoit faire toutes ses volentCs sans faire soy doubter, cUe 

vouldroit avoir seigneurie sus mi et le despriseroit et lui 

seroit contraire, selon cc que dit le Sage: Mulier si 

priinatuTn habeat, contraria est viio suo. Et se it lui estoit 

trop dur et la tenoit trop sou piey, cUe conccvroit en son 

courage ire et nialveses pensees. Et pourroit faire esclandre 

et grant confusion a tout loste], scion cc quc dit 

le Sage: Mulieris ira, et irreverencia, et confusio magna. 

Car Si comme it dit, it ne est pas plus grant ire clue de 

fenime : Nun est ira super iram mulieris, etc. Et pour ce, 

convient it tenir Ic nioten. Et cest moien ne est pas un vers 

toutes, mes est diversifié en mout dc nianieres scion les differcncez 

des complexions, des inclinations des incurs et des 

conditions des feinnies. Car par aventure, aussi comme des 

verges une est droicte telentent que l'cn nc la pent ploier 

ne courver ne par force iie par la treiliper en eaue; item, 

une autre est tortucitse et courve que len ne peut drecier 

ite par force ne par la treniper, mes roniproit avant; item, 

autres sunt nmiennes cii // (3440 moult (IC manieres, car 

les tines pevent estre clrecliies legerenient, les autres a difficultC; 

item, les unes par violence et les autres par les 

tremper oil par Ics .ii. nianieres. Et apres cc que dies sunt 

drecies, les unes se tiennent droictes Ct ics autres non, 

flies retournent tantost et sunt tortueuses et boisteuses. 

Item, de chescunc de ces conditions et de pluseurs ensemble 

les unes verges les participent plus, les autres moms, en 

mout de manieres Et si me senihlc quc presque semblablement 

en partie est des feinnies, a entendre par la droite la 

bonne et par la courve ou tortueuse celle qui est encline a 

mal et par violence rigeur et par tremper traicter la 

doucenient. Car aucunes et pCU stint si tres bonnes que 

ne par rigeur iie par blandissement len tic les potirroit 

attrairc a Mal. Et autres sunt Si tres malignes quen nulle 

maniere l'en ne les poui-roit faire bonnes. Et les autres 

sunt moiennes en mout de nianieres I et differences, scion 

la similitude devant misc. Mes Ia nature et condition de 

femme cst tres fort a cognoistre et aucune fois se vane 

occultenient Tune nianiere en autre: Vagi sunt gressus 

illius et investigahiles. Len ne peut cognoistre 1€ procés 

de la pensee de feninie. Et pour cc, a bien gouverner sa 

fenime et a la faire bonne se it est possible est requise ou 

mari tres grande industrie et bonne diligence. Apres it 

declare Ic tiers enseignement qui fu devant mis. 

T. Car tele paour on creinte qui est sans verconde 

et sans reverence est passion et maniere que ]a fole 

femnie a a son chalant. 2 Mes artier et creindre equalment 

oveques verconde et chaste / (344d) est ce que 

doit faire feninie franche a son propre man. 

C. Car scion la sentence du Sage, vercunde de sage 

femme est gracieuse chose: Noli discedere a niuliere sensata 

gratia enim verecundie illius super aururn. 

7'. Car (Ic paour on dc creinte stint ii, especes. Une 

est oveques verconde on honte on reverence, de laquelle 

usent les filz sobres a leur peres et les citoiens honestes 

et hien coniposé en nieurs a leur benignes recteurs ou 

gouverneurs. 

LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE D'ARISTOTE [Tl...iFI. PHIL. SOC. 

G. This will he clarified later. 

T. He must not he indifferent or irresolute, nor on 

the other hand too harsh. 

C. For if lie were too easy-going and too lenient and 

allowed tier to have her will in all matters without making 

himself adequately feared, she would desire to have the 

upper hand over him and would despise him and work 

against him, in accordance with Solomon's statement: "If 

a wife support her husband, it means anger and impudence 

and great disgrace" [Eccllcus 25: 30]. And if he were 

too harsh and held her in too great subjection, she would 

generate anger and evil thoughts in her mind. And she 

could create scandal and great confusion in the entire household; 

as Solomon says: "The wrath and disrespect of a wife 

is a sore confusion [l'cclicus 25: 29J. For as he I Solo- 

1110111 says: 'There is no anger greater than a woman's 

wrath" I Ecclicus 25: 23]. 'therefore, it is necessary to 

hold to the middle course. And this mean or middle course 

is not the same for all women, but is varied in niitiiy ways 

according to the different temperaments, inclinations, habits, 

and conditions of women. The case is comparable to that 

of wooden sticks or branches. A certain stick is straight 

and cannot be bent or curved bylorce or by soaking in 

water; another stick is twisted and curved so that it cannot 

be straightened by force or by soaking, but would rather 

break ; other sticks are neither straight nor twisted // 

(344c) and can be straightened easily or only with difficulty, 

some by violent effort, others by soaking or by means of 

both together. And after the y have been straightened, 

certain ones remain straight and others (10 not; but 

presently they revert to their twisted and tortuous original 

shape. In almost the smite manner, it seems to me, one 

call these examples to women, at least in part, if we 

understand by the straight branch the good woman and by 

the twisted and tortuous branch the woman inclined to 

evil; and by violence we may understand harshness and 

by soaking gentle treatment. For some few women are 

so extremely good that neither harshness nor blandishment 

could bring them to evil deeds. Others are so extremely 

wicked that they could be made good in no possible manner. 

Still others occupy a middle ground with notable 

variations and many differences, in accordance with the 

comparison which we have made above. But the nature 

and character of a woman are very difficult to know and 

sometimes they vary secretly from one state to another: 

"Her footsteps wander, she knows not whither" [Prov. 5: 

6 1. We cannot know the thinking processes of a woman. 

Therefore, great exertion and constant diligence are required 

of the husband who would govern his wife well 

and make her a good woman, if this be possible. Next he 

clarifies the third precept, which was stated earlier. 

T. For fear or awe devoid of respect or reverence is 

a passion such as the courtesan shows to her casual 

lover. But a free woman ought equally to love and to 

fear her own husband with modesty and chastity. / 

(344d) C. For as Solomon expresses it, the niodestv of 

a good woman is a gracious thing: "Do not fail a wise, 

good wife for her favor is worth more than gold" FEcclicus 

7: 211. 

T. There are two kinds of awe or fear. One is 

mingled with modesty or shame or reverence, such as 

well-behaved children feel towards their parents and 

such as upright citizens of sober habits feel for their 

benevolent rulers or governors.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 19571 ORESMES VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 839 

G. Et est ce que l'cn appelle en latin timor fihialis, limor 

castus. Creinte filial est chaste. lit par tele paoUr doubtent 

Dieu les angclz et les sains, Si comme dit l'Escripture 

Timebunt angeli. 

T. Mes une autre espece de creinte est oveques haine 

et inimisté, Si comme les serfs ont oveques leur seigneurs 

et les citoiens as tyrans injurieus et iniqtieS. 

G. II entent des sers qui stint en servitude par violence 

et contre leur volenté et ]cur nature. Et ceste paour ou 

creinte est appellee servile: Timor servilis. Et ainsi les 

dyables creingnent Nostre Seigneur: Deniones credunt et 

tremunt. lit donques le mari doit faire a son povoir que 

sa femme Ic doubte scion Ia premiere espece de creinte ou 

de paour. Apres it met tin autre enseignement, qui est 

aussi conmie conclusion des dessus mis. 

T. Item, de toutes ces choses it doit eslire les melleurs 

et faire (jUC sa femme soit concordabie et ioiaie et 

propre a lui. 

G. Concordabic en volenté loiale en operation, propre 

sans cc qu'elle aime autre charnelnient. 

T. Afin ciu'eiie ne use pas moms de bonne operation 

mi present et lui non present, mes face tousjours aussi 

comme // (345a) se it estoit present. Et qu'ii et elle 

soient aussi comme curateurs et gardes des choses communes 

de l'ostel. Et quant i'liotume est absent que sa 

femme sente et apperceve que nul tie est meileur 1 a cue 

ne plus moderé ne plus propre nine son man. 

G. Nut meileur en lui faisant bien, tie plus moderé en 

la traictant benignement, ne plus propre sans traire soy 

vers autre. Et donques Ic mari la doit gouverner telement 

et faire tant a son povoir queue ait ceste opinion. 

T. Et qu'il monstre ceste chose an commencement 

en resgardant tousjours au bien commun de l'ostel, 

combien (ltl'elle soit novice et peu sachante en teles 

choses. 

C. Scion tine exposition, it veuit dire que Ic mari dolt 

enseigner la femme au commencement Ct scion une autre 

exposition, it veult dire quc la femme doit monstrer soy 

estre tele comnie dit est.-` 

T. Item, se le homme a domination mesmement a 

Soy.... 

G. Ce est a dire, quil soit scigneur de soy en repriniant 

ses concupiscences et ses ires et en regulant ses faiz par 

raison. 

T. II sera bon recteur ou gouverneur de toute la vie 

domestique et enseignera a la femnie user de teles 

choses. 

C. Car quant Ic seigneur de i'ostel, qui est niaistre, 

gouverneur et example a tous, est bon scion soy, chescun, 

et femme et enfans et servans en doit miex valoir. Mes 

scion une autre exposition, qui ne semble pas si propre 

parce que ii (lit Si ipse sibi inaxime dotninetur, it entent 

que Ic mari soit bien seigneur de sa fenime. Or avons 

donqucs en cest chapitre .vi. enseignemens pour faire la 

feninie bonne.3 

C. This is what is expressed by the Latin timor flliali.r, 

tinior cast us: filial fear is chaste. And with this kind of 

awe the angels and saints fear God; as the Scripture says: 

"The angels shall be afraid" [Job 41: 16]. 

T. But another kind of awe is accompanied by hatred 

and hostility, such as slaves feel for their masters and 

citizens towards despotic and evil tyrants. 

C. By slaves he means those who are such by violence 

and against their will and contrary to their nature. And 

this kind of fear or awe is called servile: timor servilis. 

lit manner the devils fear our Lord: "The demons 

believe and tremble" [James 2: 19]. Therefore, the husband 

must try that his wife should fear him with the firstmentioned 

kind of awe or fear. Next he states another 

precept, which is in the nature of a conclusion to the 

previous ones. 

T. Thus the husband should choose the best of all 

these possible alternatives and see to it that his wife 

should be in harmony with him, loyal and devoted to 

him alone. 

C. Harmonious in her will, loyal in action, and devoted 

to the exclusion of any other carnal love. 

T. So that whether he is present or absent, she will 

act equally well, behaving herself exactly /,/ (345a) as 

though lie were present. And they should both be caretakers 

and watch over their common interests in the 

household. And when the husband is away, she should 

feel and perceive that no other man is kinder to her or 

more considerate or more completely hers than her own 

husband. 

G. No one better in goodness to her or more considerate 

in treating her kindly or more completely her own without 

turning to other women. Thus the husband should govern 

his wife in such manner and seek in every possible way 

that she hold this opinion of him. 

T. Let him show this concern from the very beginning, 

looking always to the common welfare of the 

household even though she be a novice and know little 

of such matters. 

G. According to one exposition, he means that the husband 

should teach the wife at the beginning, and another 

expositor says he means that the wife should show herself 

to be concerned as indicated above. 

T. And if the husband is indeed master of himself. 

C. That is, if he masters his lusts and his angry passions 

and governs his acts by reason. 

T. He will be a good teacher or governor of the 

domestic life and will guide his wife to use the same 

measures. 

C. Because when the master of the household, who is 

the director, governor, and the example for all within the 

estate, is himself a good man, then each member—wife, 

children, and servants—must be more worthy likewise. But 

according to another reading, which does not seem to me 

so correct because it says: If the husband learns first of all 

to control himself, he means that the husband should be a 

good master to his wife. We now have in this chapter six 

precepts dealing with the training of the good wife.


6. O lt .vi.e chapifre ii confernie aucunes choses / ( 345b) 

devant dictes par sentences d'aufres sages.' 

T. Car Homerus le poete ne honora oriques amisté 

ne paour ou creinte qui fust sans verconde on home. 

Mes partout ou ii pane de tele chose, ii commande que 

l'en aime oveques modestie ou attrempance et oveques 

verconde. 

G. Aristote met en cest chapitre allegations desquelles 

veci la premiere. Et pour La niiex entendre, l'en doit savoir 

que amisté pour bieri honeste et selon vertu ne paour ou 

creinte filial et chaste ne sunt onques sans verconde et 

reverence. Ales amisté pour delectation ou pour guaing 

sunt sans teles choses. Et pour cc, ne be pas teles amours 

ne teles creintes Humerus, qui fit tres excellent poete grec 

et mist en mectre lobsidion de Troye. et Virgule l'ensuit 

en partie. 

T. Item, l'en doit doubter et creindre en la maniere 

que disoit Helene, qui disoit ainsi au roy Prianius: 

Tres amé socre, tu es a moi terrible. 

G. II denote par cc tres grande creinte. 

T. Et appartient a moy toy creindre et redoubter.2 

Et par cc tie vouloit autre chose (lire fors qu'elle Ic 

devoit amer oveques creinte et verconde. 

G. Helene fu celle que Paris, le fllz de Priamus, osta a 

son mari Menelaus. Et par ce commença la guerre par 

quoy Troie fu destruicte. Apt-es ii met la tierce allegation, 

par quoy il appert que Ic niari doit creindre sa femme. 

T. Item, Uxiles clisoit a Nausique ces paroles: Toy, 

femme, je te ay en tres grande admiration et te crein 

tres grandement. 

C. ScIon uric hystoire, Uxiles fir pilley en // (345c) 

men et se traist vers Nausique, qui estoit flue de roy, afin 

qu'elle liii faist aide et lui disoit ces paroles, si comme dit 

Hornerus. Et ne estoit pas sa femme. 

T. Et Hotnerus tient et estime que be homme et sa 

femme se doivent avoir en ceste maniere l'un a l'autre 

et cuide que cc soit bienfait pour tous les .ii, se il ont Ott 

se contiennent telement. 

C. Apres ii allegue raison a cc et peut estre que cc est 

Ia raison que faisoit Homerus. 

T. Car nul ne aime onques cellui qui est pire ou 

nioins ban que soy ou de soy et ne l'a onques en admiration 

et ne be doubte pas ou creint oveques verconde et 

reverence. 

C. L'en peut bien amer un que l'en cuide moms bon que 

soy, nies cc ne est pas oveques reverence. 

T. Mes ces passions ou conditions aviennent a ceulz 

qui sunt l'un a l'autre melleurs. 

C. Car il est possible que un excede ' l'autre en aucune 

vertu et est excedé en autre. Et selon cc, chescun repute 

l'autre melleur de soy et que lautre lui fait plus de hien 

quiL ne fait a lautre. Et Fautre aussi a semblable opinion. 

6. In the sixth chapter he confirms certain of his earlier 

statements / ( 345b) by quotations from other men of 

wisdom. 

T. For homer the poet paid no honor either to affection 

or to fear or awe unaccompanied by modesty or 

shame. Everywhere, whenever he speaks of these 

things, he requires that one should love with modesty, 

restraint and reserve. 

C. In this chapter Aristotle sets forth certain allegations, 

of which this is the first. And to understand it better, one 

should know that upright and virtuous friendship and filial 

fear or awe and chastity never exist without modesty and 

reverence; but friendship for pleasure or for gain is not 

accompanied by these qualities. Therefore Homer does 

not praise such affections or fears. Homer was a most 

excellent Greek poet who wrote a poem about the siege of 

Troy and Vergil follows him in part. 

T. One should fear and be timid after the manner 

which Helen expresses thus to King Priam: "Beloved 

father of my husband, you are worthy of my awe!" 

C. In this way be denotes a very great fear. 

T. "And it is fitting that I should fear and revere 

you" [Iliad 3, 172]. And in so saying, he meant only 

that she should love him with fear and modesty. 

C. Helen was the woman whom Paris, Priam's son, 

took from her husband Menelaus and from this act arose 

the war in which Troy was destroyed. Next he sets forth 

his third allegation, from which it appears that the husband 

should hold his wife in awe. 

T. Ulysses spoke these words to Nausicaa: "Thee, 

my lady, I hold in highest admiration, and I fear thee 

greatly" [Odyss. 6, 1611. 

C. According to one story, Ulysses was pillaged on 

(3450 the sea and betook himself to Nausicaa, a daughter 

of the king, in order that she might aid him; and he spoke 

these words to her, according to Homer. And she was not 

his wife. 

T. Homer considers and deems it fitting that husband 

and wife should have this kind of feeling for each 

other and believes it to be beneficial to both if they conduct 

themselves in this way. 

G. Next he offers a reason for this, which may be the 

same reason that Homer alleged. 

T. For no one ever loves a person who is baser than 

himself and no one respects such a person with modesty 

and reverence. 

G. One may indeed love a person whom he considers 

beneath himself in goodness, but this love will not be 

mingled with reverence. 

T. But these feelings or attitudes occur between 

those who consider the other party better than themseLves. 

C. For it is possible for one to excel the other in a 

certain virtue and to be outstripped in some other quality. 

Thus each holds the other party to be better than himself 

and considers that the other benefits him more than he 

benefits the other. And this is likewise the other's opinion.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 1957] ORESME'S VERSION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION 841 

T. Et qui stint henignes par nature et toutesvoies, 

sunt mendres en science. 

C. Cc est a dire, moms malicieus. 

T. Et se reputent melleurs a SOY. 

C. Cc est a dire que chescun repute que I'autre lui est 

melleur que it meisme ne est a l'autre. Et cc est signe de 

tres grant arnisté. Apres it met une autre allegation. 

T. Item, Uxiles cut cest habit et ceste condition a 

Penelope sa femme et ne pecha onques en rien en son 

absence. 

C. Cc est assavoir, Penelope. Car pource que son man 

lui monstroit si grant / (345d) amour oveques reverence, 

die se garda cbastement et honestenient longtemps lui al)sent, 

quant it estoit en l'obsidion (le Troie ou en la mer. 

De quoy un appellé I'clatheus de Vindecino, qui nietrifia 

lystoire de Thobie. en on livre qu'il fist De Docirina 

,netn/candi, dit ainsi : Penelopem inorum festivat gratia 

fornie purpura declarat: ditat acervus opum. Et Ovidius: 

Penelope mansit, quamvis custode carebat, Inter tot iuvenes 

internierata procos. Et Job 10: Tange, etc., nisi in faciem 

benedixenit tibi.' Apres it met une autre confirmation prise 

du contraire. 

T. Mes Agamenon. 

G. II fu due ou capitaine de i'ost contre ceuls de Troye 

T. Pour une appellee Creyseys pecha vers sa femme 

en l'eglise, cc est assavoir, en l'assemblee publique. Car 

celle femme Cryseis, qui estoit captive prise en guerre 

et non bonne, flies barbare et serve, il disoit estre telle 

qu'elle ne (lefajiloit en rien es vertus de Cleomestra. 

G. Cc est a dire qu'eile ne estoit pas moms bonne que 

Cleomestra sa femme. 

T. lit il ne disoit pas bien; car Cleomestra avoit de 

lui enfans legitimes et ne povoit justement cohabiter ou 

avoir compaignie a Cryseis. Car comme petit cc estre 

justement, lul qui l'avoit de nouvel prise a femme par 

violence avant qu'il sceust queue efle seroit ou conime 

elle se porteroit devers iui? 

C. Ft d'autre partie, cc tie peut estre sans faire desloyalté 

a sa femme. 

T. Item, la fille du roy Athlas. 

C. It fu roy de Aifrique et tres grant astrologien. Et 

pour cc feingnent les poetes qu'il porte le ciel. 

T. Pria Uxiles que it habitast et jeust oveques elle 

et lui promettoit qu'elle le feroit tousjours immortel. 

C. lit que ja ne mourroit. lit peut estre que elle 

prornettoit et cuidoit cc faire par astrologie et par art 

magique et par la vertu des diex. 

T. And between those who are truly good by nature 

and are nevertheless inferior in learning. 

C. That is, less malicious. 

T. And consider others better than themselves. 

C. Meaning that each holds the other to be better than 

he himself. And this is a sign of great love. Next lie 

relates another example. 

T. Ulysses followed this line of conduct with his 

wife Penelope and she never sinned against him in any 

way during his absence. 

C. That is to say, Penelope remained faithful. Because 

her husband had shown such devout love for her, / (345d) 

she kept herself chaste and upright during his long absence 

at the siege of Troy and during his voyage at sea. In this 

connection, a certain Matthieu de Vendônie, who set the 

story of Tobit to verse in a book he wrote called The Science 

of versi fication, says as follows: "The grace of her 

conduct enhances Penelope and the royal dignity of her 

figure announces her presence" [Ars versificatoria, 13; in 

Ed. Faral. Les Arts poétiques du Xjj r et XijjC siècle, P. 124]. 

And Ovid says:" Penelope, although without a guard, reniained 

chaste among so many youthful wooers" [Amores, 

III, 23-4]. And Job I, 1111, reads: "Touch all that lie 

bath, and he will curse thee to thy face . 11 3 Next he gives 

another example showing the contrary type of behavior. 

T. But Agamemnon. 

G. He was leader or captain of the host fighting against 

the Trojans. 

T. Sinned against his wife in the ecciesia or public 

assembly for the sake of a woman named Chryseis. For 

he said that Chryseis, who was a captive of war and an 

evil barbarian slave, was in no way inferior to Clytemnestra 

in virtue. 

C. That is to say that she was not less good than his 

wife, Clytemnestra. 

T. This was ill spoken, for Clytemnestra was the 

mother of his legitimate children and lie could not 

rightly cohabit or keep company with Chryseis. For 

how could this be just, that he should take a woman 

just recently captured by force before he knew what 

sort of woman she was or how she would conduct herself 

towards him? 

C. And besides, this could not happen without his being 

unfaithful to his wife. 

T. On the other hand, the daughter of King Atlas.... 

G. He was king of Africa and a very great astrologer. 

For this reason the poets picture him as supporting the 

heavens. 

T. Begged Ulysses to dwell and lie with her and she 

promised to make him forever immortal. 

C. And that he would never die. Perhaps she promised 

this and intended to perform it by means of astrology and 

magic art and by the virtue of the gods. 

C omits: In this connection . . . to thy face; Y omits: And 

Ovid says . . . to thy face. The entire passage is marginal in 

A, the citation from Job being written under 346a in a different 

hand because of lack of space under 345d. The citations from 

Ovid and Job are unique in A.


T.Mes [Jxiies tie presuina onques trahir ne falser 

Fafection et dilection et foy qu'il avoit a sa femme, aim 

que ii fust fait irninortel. Et cuidoit ou // (346a) 

reputoit que ce seroit tres grant peine pour lui se ii 

deservoit avoir ininiortalité et il fust malvés. 

G. Or avons donques comnie Aristote et Honiei'us approvent 

et bent i'intention et le propos de Uxiles qui tie 

voult touchier auti'e que sa teninie pour avoir vie perpetuelle 

et amoit plus niourir que pechier pour tousjours 

vivre. Et reputoit la plus grande peine qui peust estre 

vivre en pechie: Maxiniani penam arhitrans. etc. 

• T. Item, il tie vouloit onques jesir oveques une 

nommee Circe, niesmenient pour le salut de ses amis. 

C. Les textes comniuns ont ainsi : Nani cum Circe 

jacere noluit. nisi propter anhicorum salutem. Et ceulz qui 

Ic exposent scion ceste lecture (bent qu'iI s'acorda a jesir 

Oveques Circe, flies cc fu pour salver ses conipaignons. Et 

un expositeur dit que Ic texte est corrumpu, Si coninie en 

pluseurs autres lieus et je le cuide pour .ii. raisons. Unc 

est que Uxiles refusa tel pechey non obstant que Yen lui 

prolileist iiiimortalité pour soy et donques il ne se fust 

onques a cc acordé pour la vie temporelc dautres, Item, 

scion Aristotc, len ne doit onqucs faire mal afin que bien 

en vienne. Et donques ii ne ailegast pas en approuvant que 

Ulixes eust fait desloialté et nienti sa foy pour salver ses 

conipaignons. Et pour cc, le texte doit estre ainsi : Nani 

cum Circe jacere noluit, etiarn propter aniicoruni salutem. 

Et ainsi lay je translate. Mes pour cc miex entendre, l'en 

doit savoir car si comme recite Saint Augustin ou .xviji.e 

livre de la Cite de Dieu, Circe fu tres renonimee en alt 

magique et tenoient les peiens que quant Uxiles et sa gent 

vindrent par tern- / (346b) peste de nier la ou die estoit, 

elle niva en bestes les coinpaignons de Uxiles. Et fait Saint 

Augustin mention de pluseurs autres mutations. Et sebon 

verité, les mutations ne furent pas teles, mes par aventure 

aucuns pevent avoir esté perturbés et alienés en leur disposition 

corporele et en leur sens naturels par malefices et 

par enchantemens en tant qu'il cuidoient estre leus ou pors 

ou chevalz par certain temps et aucuns par tnaiadie, si 

conirne sunt ceulz que !'en appelle vulg-airnent quarous. Et 

tel malefice fist Circe as compaignons dc Uxiles, nies 

Uxiles se contregarda de cc par tine herbe qu 'un homme lui 

avoit baillee. Et donques Circe lui proniettoit a reniettre 

ses compaignons en leur premier estat se il se consentoit 

a elle. 

T. Mes il lui respondi que nuile chose ne lui pourroit 

sembler plus douce que son paIz, combien qu'ii fust 

aspre. 

C. I'eut estre que dIe lui proinettoit plus bel paiz et 

meileur que ceilui dont ii estoit, nies ii anioit plus a retourner 

a sa feninie et a son paiz. 

T. Et ora Ulises et pria on vou!ut plus estre mortel 

et voir sa fenime et son filz que vivre. 

C. Cc est assavoir, pardnirablenient. Mes je cuide que 

ceste clause soit transposee et doit eStre apres ces moz ci 

quit I usi nialvCs, en la response quil fist a Ia flue du roy 

Athias. Car ii anioit plus estre mortel et voir sa feinme 

qu'estre immortel sans la voir. Et se ceste clause est en 

son ordre, len pourroit dire que Circe oveques le salu de 

T. But Ul ysses never intended to betray or deceive 

the affection and preference and loyalty he felt for his 

wife in order to be made immortal. And he deemed or 

// (346a) judged it would he too great a sin for him 

to win immortality by committing an evil action. 

C. Thus we have learned how both Aristotle and Homer 

approve and praise the purpose and action of Ulysses, who 

would not touch another woman than his wife even to gain 

immortal life. And he preferred to dierather than commit 

a sin in order to live forever. And he considered the 

greatest possible affliction to live in sin: "Judging it the 

greatest punishment, etc." [Oresme quotes original Latin 

text]. 

T. He never desired to lie with the woman called 

Circe, even in order to save his comrades. 

C. The texts commonly read: "For lie did not wish to 

lie with Circe, except to save his companions." And those 

who have explained this reading sa y that Ulysses agreed 

to lie with Circe, but that he did so only to save his companions. 

And one expositor states that the text is here 

corrupt as in many other places, and I think likewise for 

two reasons. The first is because Ulysses refused such a 

sin notwithstanding the promise of immortality and he 

would never have agreed to it in order to save the temporal 

life of others. Also according to Aristotle, one should 

never do evil in order to achieve good. Therefore, he 

would not have given his approval to Ulysses for having 

acted disloyally and having abjured his faith to save his 

companions. Therefore, thetext should read thus: "For 

he did not desire to lie with Circe, even- to save his cornpanions." 

And I have translated it according to this reading. 

But to understand this better, one should know—as 

St. Augustin relates in the Ciii' of God XVIII 117, 18]— 

that Circe was renowned for her magical powers, and the 

pagans maintained that when Ulysses and his men reached 

her in the midst of the storm / (346b) at sea, she changed 

Ul y sses* companions into animals. And St. Augustin mentions 

several other transformations. But in very truth, 

the transformations were not such as related, but possibly 

some of his men may have been driven Toad and became 

disturbed both bodily and mentally b y black arts and enchantments 

to the point of imagining themselves to be 

wolves or swine or horses for a certain time and some 

perhaps were made thus by sickness, like those who are 

called werewolves by the common people. And such black 

magic did Circe work upon Ulysses' companions. But 

Ulysses protected himself from it by means of an herb 

which a mail given him. Thereupon Circe promised 

to restore his companions to their former state, if lie would 

yield himself to her. 

T. But lie replied to Circe that nothing could appear 

more delightful to him than his native land, however 

rugged it might be. 

C. Perhaps she had promised him a land fairer and better 

than that from which he came, but he preferred to 

return to his wife and his fatherland. 

T. And Ul ysses prayed and desired to remain a 

mortal and to see his wife and his son rather than to 

live. 

C. That is, to live eternally. But I think that this clause 

is possibly placed out of order and should come after the 

words by committing an evil action in the reply he made 

to the daughter of King Atlas. For he preferred to remain 

mortal and see his wife rather than to be made immortal 

without seeing her. If this clause is in its proper place,


ses amis lui promettoit inimortalité, flies it ania miex la 

mani- 7/ (346c) ere desus dicte. 

T. Et en ceste nianiere Tjlixes gardoit en sa femme 

ou vers sa femme sa foy fermement pour lesquelez 

ioialtés it recevoit equalment de sa femme. 

G. Car elle liii gardoit bonne foy aussi comme it faisoit 

a elle. 

one could say that Circe promised Ulysses immortality 

along with the safety of his friends, but that he preferred 

the arrangement stated above. /7 

(346c) T. And in this way Ulysses kept firm faith 

in or towards his wife, for which he received from her 

an equal measure of loyalty. 

G. Because she kept faith with him as he did with her. 

7. Ott .vii.° chapitrc ii inoustre que le niari et la femme 7. In the seventh chapter he shows that husband and 

doivent estre dun courage et d'une voienté. wife should he of one mind and one will. 

T. Que l'en doic tres grandctuent et mesmement 

honorer chaste societe ou compaignie de homme et de 

femme en nlariagc it appert par cc clue recite l'acteur en 

l'oroison que fist Ulixes a Nausique ou pour Nausique. 

G. Cc fu une flue de roy a laquelle Ulixes out refuge et 

recours, Et elle le recuillit quant it fu pilley en la mer, si 

come it fu touchie ou chapitre precedent. 

T. Car it ora et pria les diex ciue it voulsissent 

thinner a Nausique mari et maison et unanimité ou 

concorde desiree a son man. Et non pas quelconque 

unanimité, mes bonne. 

G. Car si comine dit Tulles, La premiere lay d'amisté est 

que nous ne denianclons a nos amis fors choses honestes 

Prima lex anlicicie est Ut ab arnicis honesta petiamus. 

T. Car cue nieisme disoit que nul plus grant hien ne 

est en gens que cluant le mari et la femme sunt concordables 

en volenté en gouvernant la maison. 

G. Et cc est scion l'Escripture qui dit que .iii. choses 

sunt approvees devant Dieu et devant les hommes: concordes 

de freres, amour de prochains et homme et femme 

d'un consentement et clime volenté. Apres it declare quelle 

unanirnité ou concorde it doivent avoir. 

T. Item, it appert apres par l'acteur, cc est Honierus, 

/ (346d) que it lie be pas unaninhtté ou concorde clue 

le inari et la femme ont ensemble laquelle est faicte vers 

malvés services ou vers malveses operations, mes celle 

qui est justement conjointe en courage et en prudence. 

C. Car scion cc qu'il appert par Ic .xvi.° chapitre du 

.Vi. e d'Ethiqucs, vertu moral ne peut estre sans prudence ne 

prudence sans vertu morale. 

T. Et cc signifIe que les manes (loivent gouverner 

la maison par volentés. 

C. Concordables en hien; car concorde en mal ne est 

pas vraie concorde et durable et est contraire a bon 

gouvernement et a vraie amisté. Et ne est pas permanente 

iie durable, si conime it appert par le .Vi. e chapitre du .ix. 

d'Ethiques. Apres it met les hiens et les profis qui viennent 

de ceste unanimité. 

T. Item, Homerus disoit que quant ceste dilection et 

amour est faicte moult de tristeces stint faictes as ennenhis. 

T. That we should honor most highly and especially 

the virtuous companionship or association of man and 

wife in marriage is made evident in the poet's recital of 

the prayer which Ulysses made to Nausicaa or on her 

behalf. 

C. She was the daughter of a king and Ulysses took 

refuge with her and was aided by lien. She received him 

when lie was pillaged at sea, as was mentioned in the 

preceding chapter. 

T. For lie prayed and besought the gods to grant to 

Nausicaa a husband and a home and unanimity and 

precious peace with him. And no ordinary peace, but 

the best possible [Odvss. 6, l$Off]. 

G. Because as Tully I Cicero] says, the first law of 

friendship is that we should ask of our friends only 

righteous things: "The first law of friendship is to ask 

only honorable things from one's friends" [De Amicitia 

XIII, 44]. 

T. For Nausicaa said herself that there is no greater 

blessing among people than when husband and wife 

work together harmoniously in governing their home. 

C. And this accords with Scripture, which says that 

three things are well received by God and by mankind: 

(1) peace among brothers, (2) love of one's neighbors, 

and (3) husband and wife of single mind and will LEcclicus 

25: 2]. Next he explains the kind of unanimity or 

peaceful relations they should have. 

T. Moreover, it becomes clear from what the author 

Homer states thereafter / (346d) that he is not praising 

unanimity or peaceful relations between husband and 

wife which are based upon evil services or wicked deeds 

on behalf of each other, but rather those relations 

rightly allied with courage and prudence. 

G. As it appears in Ethics VI, 16, moral virtue cannot 

exist without prudence nor prudence without moral virtue. 

T And this implies that the married couple will rule 

their home with a common will and purpose. 

G. In mutual agreement upon righteous living; because 

agreement upon evil actions is not true and lasting harmony 

and is contrary to good management and to true friendship. 

It is neither permanent nor lasting, as is shown in Ethics 

IX, 6. Next he points out the benefits and profit derived 

from this unanimity. 

T. For Homer used to sa y that where such happiness 

and love exist the enemy is filled with sorrow.


G. Car ii leur desplaist de la prosperité de ces niariés et 

en ont envie. 

T. Et en ceste concorde stint faictes moult de joies as 

amis. 

G. Apres ii met tin autre profit. 

T. Item, les ainis oent plus volentiers cest acteur 

Honierus comme disant choses vraies, cc est assavoir 

que quant le mari et la femme stint en concorde vers 

choses tres bonnes, ii est neccessaire que les amis de l'un 

et de l'autre soient a concorde ensemble. 

C. Mesmenient quant as choses qui resgardent ces mariés 

et nieisme en autres choses stint les amis plus concordablcs 

pour l'amisté qui est entre ces niariés. Apres ii 

met le tiers profit. 

T. Item, pource que par cc ii sunt fors, il stint terribles 

a leur // (347a) ennemis et profictables a leur 

amis. 

C. Car quant il sunt, eulz et leur amis, Time partie et 

d'autre uniz par concorde ii en stint plus puissans: Quia 

virtus unita forcior est se ipsa dispersa. Apres il met les 

malz qui viennent du contraire. 

T. Et se ii sunt a descort, les amis seront differens et 

non concordables. Item, il convendra que les manes 

soient enfermes, cc est a dire fiebles et peu puissans. 

Item, eulz sentiront mesmement les maulz qui viennent 

de tele discorde. 

C. Apres il conclut en declarant queue unanimitC ii 

doivent avoir. 

T. Et le acteur, cc est assavoir Honierus, en ces 

choses ici commande manifestement que les niariés 

deveent ou deffendent tin a l'autre et evitent ensemble 

choses qui sunt malveses et non chastes ou villaines. 

C. Le mari ne doit souffnir a la femme faire nulle tele 

chose tie la femme au man qu'eIle puisse. 

T. Ft doivent servir et aministrer a eulz nieisme indifferentenient 

jouxte leur povoir choses qui soient 

chastes et honestes et qui soient justes. 

C. Car sans diference et sans faintise, chescun doit 

mettre peine a son povoir que l'autre face bien. 

8. En Ic Z,jjje c/ia pitre ii moustrc en especial aucunes 

choses en quo' les ;nariés doivent esire d'une n.'olentô 

et a queue fin. 

T. Et premierement, les manes doivent estudier a 

avoir toute cure de leur parens. 

C. Car si comme ii fu (lit 011 .xv.e et ou derrenier chapitres 

de Ic vjil.e et ou tiers chapitre du .ix,° d'Elhiques, / 

(347b) len est tenu a sus parens 1 par sus tous soubs Dieu. 

T. Ft quc le mari cure des parens de sa femme non 

pas moms que des siens et aussi Ia femme des parens de 

son man. 

G. Le mari est plus tenu a scs propres parens que a 

ceulz de sa femme. Mes ce non obstant, ii dolt moustrer 

G. They are grieved to observe the prosperity of the 

married couple and are jealous of them. 

T. While their friends derive great pleasure. 

G Next he mentions another advantage. 

T. Their friends also agree that Homer spoke the 

truth—namely, that when husband and wife are agreed 

about the good things of life, their friends must also 

achieve mutual agreement. 

C. Especially with respect to those matters which concern 

the couple and even with respect to other matters 

the friends of each are more compatible with one another 

because of the friendly relations that exist between husband 

and wife. Next he states the third advantage. 

T. Because they are strong in their unity // (347a) 

they are formidable to their enemies and useful to their 

friends. 

C. For when they and their friends are harmoniously 

united together they are stronger because of their unity: 

Because strength united is stronger than strength dispersed." 

Next he points out the disadvantages of the 

opposite situation. 

T. But if they are an uncongenial couple, their 

friends will likewise be contentious and incompatible. 

The husband and wife will thus be weakened, that is, 

enfeebled and of little power. And thus the couple will 

suffer most of all frorn the evils that derive from such 

contentiousness. 

C. Next lie concludes with an anal ysis of the kind of 

unanimity that should exist between husband and wife. 

T. Manifestly, the author, that is, Homer, is here 

dissuading or prohibiting or urging the couple to avoid 

evil, dishonorable or base actions. 

C. The husband must not allow the wife to perform any 

such act and the wife must do likewise in so far as she is 

able. 

T. They must succor and assist each other impartially 

as far as possible in righteous, just and honorable 

deeds. 

C. For frankly and without partiality each one must 

try his best that the other should do right. 

8. In the eighth chapter he stresses certain matters in 

which the married couple should he of single will and 

to what end they should be so. 

T. First of all the married couple must strive to take 

all possible care of their parents. 

C. For as stated in Ethics VIII, 15 and 19 and IX, 3, 

(347b) after God, one's first duty is to his parents. 

7'. And the husband must care for his wife's parents 

no less than for his own and likewise the wife must care 

for her husband's parents. 

G. The husband is more closely bound to his own than 

to his wife's parents; nevertheless, he should appear to


aussi bon semblant as parens de elle comme as siens ou 

plus. Et ne est pas ypocrisie ne falseté, mes est bienfait. 

Et est par cc nianifestee l'amisté quil a a sa femme. Et 

semblablement doit faire la femme as parens de son man. 

Et cc est Ic premier enseignenient de cest chapitre. 

T. Item, ii doivent faire qu'il aient aussi comme commune 

cure et solicitude de leur filz et enfans et (IC leur 

amis et de toute Ia maison. 

G. Car toutes les grandes choses sunt communes a l'un 

et a l'autre, mes plus pnincipalnient appartiennent ou man. 

T. Item, que chescun des .ii. s'efforce et mette cure 

et peine a passer l'autre en ce qu'il soit cause que plus 

de biens soient fais par lui au commun profit de la 

maiSon et que chescun se peine de estre le melleur et Ic 

plus juste. 

G. Et qe un ne se atende on excuse en nien de l'autre 

en leissant a faire bien, mes face chescun a son povoir le 

miex, non pas pour envie, mes pour jalousie de vertu et 

de justice. 

T. Item, que chescun leisse orgueil et gouverne la 

maison a droit et ait maniere humble et debonnaire. 

G. Cc dit it afin que nul des manes ne se donne gloire 

par sus l'autre pour cc se it a // (347c) fait aucun grant 

bien, mes tousjours repute que encor deust il miex faire et 

que I'autre fait miex. Apres it met la fin pourquoy Fen 

doit gander telz enseigneniens. 

7'. Afin que quant it vendront en villece et ii seront 

delivrés du benefice. 

C. Cc est a dire, quant it ne pourront plus estre bienfaicteurs 

a leur farnille ne leur faire profit. 

T. Et de mout de cures et de concupiscences et de 

desiriers charnelz qui sunt faiz aucune foiz en joennece, 

ii aient a respondre Fun a l'autre et a leur filz ou enfans 

lequel des .ii. a esté cause de pluseurs biens en Ia maison 

dont chescun des .ii. a esté fait recteur et gouverneur. 

G. Et que ceste altercation ne soit pas contencieuse telement 

que chescun se repute avoir fait plus de biens, mes 

que elle soit gracieuse et que chescun attribue a l'autre 

avoir fait plus dc biens. 

T. Et clue Fen puisse savoir tantost oti comment le 

mal qui seroit avenu avroit esté par fortune et le bien 

par vertu. 

C. Se aucun mal est advenu ou gouvernement d'ostel les 

enfans doivent supposer que cc ne est pas par Ic vice des 

parens et les parens aussi l'un de l'autre, mes que cc a esté 

par infortune. Ft Ic bien qui est avenu, les cnfans Ic doivent 

attribuer a la vertu des parens et le mari a la vertu 

de la femme et la femme a Ia vertu du man.1 

T. Es quelles choses qui avra vescu, il en raportera 

et avra des diex tres grant merite. 

C. En on texte est qui vixen!, cc est assavoir, qui vivra 

/ (347d) en bonnes ocvres. Et tin autre texte est qui 

vicerit, cc est a (lire, qui avra victoire en faisant plus de 

biens ou victore sus les infortunes par vertu et par pa- 

treat her parents as well as his own or better. And this 

is not hypocrisy or falseness, but is quite fitting. And in 

this way he makes manifest his love for his wife. The wife 

should conduct herself likewise with her husbands parents. 

And this is the first precept of this chapter. 

T. Moreover, they must share mutually in the care 

and attention to be given their children, their friends, 

and the entire household. 

Cr, For all major interests are common to each, but are 

especially the husbands responsibility. 

T. Each must vie with the other and seek diligently 

to surpass the other in contributing his share to the 

common good of the household and each should try to 

excel in goodness and justice. 

C. And neither should wait upon the other's action nor 

seek any excuse for failure to do right; each should do his 

best, not from enviousness, but because he is jealous of 

virtue and justice. 

T. Let each one cast aside his pride and seek to 

govern the household justly and let him be humble and 

unassuming in manner. 

G. This he says in order that neither one should lord 

it over the other because he has // (347c) accomplished 

some notable action; rather, let him consider that he should 

have done still better and that the other does better than 

he. Next lie states the reason for observing such precepts. 

T. So that when 01(1 age comes upon them and they 

can no longer provide for others. 

C. That is, when they will be no longer able to provide 

for their family or to enhance its well-being. 

T. And are released from many of their duties and 

from preoccupation with the lusts and carnal desires 

common to youth, they may be able to recount to each 

other and to their children which one of them has contributed 

more benefits to the home in which each has 

served as director and governor. 

C. And this controversy need not be angrily contentious 

to the point that each makes claim to have done more good 

things than the other ; rather, it should be an affable, polite 

exchange in which each contends that the other has contributed 

most to the common welfare. 

7'. And it should appear quite clearly that the ills 

that have befallen them have been due to fortune and 

that the good was due to their own virtue. 

C. If any misfortune has attended their management of 

the household, the children should believe that this was in 

no way attributable to the sins of the parents. And likewise 

the parents should not blame each other, but rather 

hold that it was caused by bad fortune. And whatever 

good has come to the family the children must attribute to 

their parents' virtue and the husband to the wife and the 

wife to the husband. 

7'. One who has lived through these things will win 

great merit from the gods. 

C. In one text the passage reads qui vixen!, that is, 

who will live (347d) in good works; in another text it 

reads qui z'iccrit, who will have victory in excess of good 

deeds or victory over had fortune by his virtue and patience.


cience, Et est jouxte cc que (lit Nostre Seigneur pluseurs 

foiz en l'Apocalipse: Qui vicerit, etc. Et par ce appert que 

Aristote crcoit que ceulz qui funt bien en out grande remuneration 

de Dieu. Car combien quil die des die.r, Ce 

est selon Icconiniun parier qui estoit lors. Car it iie tenoit 

fors que it fust seuleinent tin dieu, si comnie it appert oil 

.xii .° livre de Met haphisique. 

T. Si comme Pindarus disoit qtie telz gens ont le 

cuer doulz a soy. 

G. Pindarus fu un grant sage, philosoplie et poete. Et 

par cc vouloit dire que Ic mcmore de Ia bonne vie que telz 

gens ont nienee leur fait avoir une tres douce delectation 

an cuer sans amertunie (Ic reniors de conscience. Et pour 

cc, les bonnes oevres que len fait en joennece sulit aussi 

comme un tresor pour avoir joie et paes en viellece. Et 

est selon cc que dit le Prophete: Custodi innocenciarn et 

inde equitateni, qui sunt reliquic hoiiiini pacitico. Garde 

innocence et resgarde equité, car cc sunt reliques a homme 

paisible. Et donques un homme qui a bien vescu oveques 

sa bonne fenime fine ses jours delectablement et a paes tie 

cuer. Et cc est selon l'Escripture qui dit: Mulier fortis 

oblectat virum suurn et annos vite illius in pace inipichit. 

Et tel honime est beneuré en cest monde, scion cc que (lit 

Maximian : Felix qui meruit tranquillani (lucere vitam et 

leto stabiles claudere fine dies. 

T. Et l'esperance des mortelz gouverne niout de 

manieres de volenté. 

G. Cc disoit Pindarus. Et /1 (348a) est selon uris 

textes ou it dit: Et s/'es uiortaliion. Et est a dire que 

i'esperance que les gens ont en la divinite gouverne icur 

volenté. Mes scion autres textes it (lit: Et spes immortalzum 

.i Ft est a dire que lesperance que l'en a de obtenir 

choses immorteles apres la mort ou i'esperance que l'en a 

as diex immortelz gouverne la volenté. Item, cc est scion 

uns textes on it dit: Multipi-wem volun.tatem gubernat. Et 

est a dire que ceile esperance gouverne mout de manieres 

de vertu et volenté. Or senibie donques par cc que dit est 

que, scion Aristote et scion Pindarus, ceulz qui bien vivent 

en leur bonne posté en attencient a recevoir de Dieu double 

merite ou double remuneration, une en present, qui est 

leece de cuer et pacs de conscience, et l'autre a venir dont 

it ont esperence. Et cc touche Aristote on quint chapitre 

du .iX. e d'Elhiques, quant it dit : Operatorum et enilil (Iclectabiles 

memorie et futurorum spes bone. Les meniores 

des bonnes oevres passees sunt dclectablcs et ics esperances 

des clioses a venir sunt honnes. Et en cc it denote double 

felicité, une en present et l'autre en futur, en soy concordant 

a la Saincte Escripture qui dit an boo homme: 

Beatus Cs et bcnc tibi crit. Car scion la giose, cc est a dire 

qu'il est heneuré de present par grace et sera apres heneuré 

par glore. Et cest double bien on tin resgarde l'anie, Ines 

apres it met une autre fin qui resgarde les corps des niariés. 

T. Mes le secunt bien est afin que quant it seront 

venus a viellece it soient / (348b) pens on flourris par 

leur 6hz ou enfans beneurccnient. 

G. Cc est assavoir, honestement et delectabiement. Car 

combien que filz et lilies soient tenus a Icur parens ct nc 

leur pevent recompenser asses, toutesvoies (Ic tant leur 

secourent it de plus grande volenté en leur impotence 

coninie les parens leur out fais plus de bicns quant it estoient 

en leur bonne puissance. Apres it recapitule et 

conclut. 

And this accords with what our Lord says several times 

in the Apocalypse [2: 11; 3: 12, 21, etc.]: "Qui vicerit, etc." 

'Thus it appears that Aristotle believed that the righteous 

shall have divine remuneration; for although lie says from 

thc gods, that is merely the common parlance of his age. 

For lie held that there is but one god, as is shown in Metaph 

ysics XII [7, 1072h 14 11.]. 

T. Just as Pindar used to sa y that such people have 

hearts kindly disposed to themselves. 

G. Pindar was a great sage, philosopher, and poet. By 

this he meant to say that the recollection of the good life 

they had led affords them a gentle pleasure in their hearts 

free from bitter remorse in their consciences. Thus the 

good works of their youth are like a treasure providing 

joy and peace in old age. This accords with the Prophet's 

statement : "\Vatch integrity and look upon right, for there 

is a posterity for the man of peace" [Psalm 36: 37]. In 

this way a man who has lived righteously with his good 

wife ends his days pleasantly with peace in his heart. And 

this agrees with the Scriptural statement: 'A noble wife 

gladdens her husband and lie lives out his years in peace" 

I':cclicus 26: 2]. And such :t man is happy in this world, 

;L', .\Iaxiniian says: "Happy the man who has deserved to 

live his life in peace and to end his days happily" [Elegy 

1, 2$9-9O. 

T. And the hope of mortal man dominates many 

aspects of his will. 

C. Thus Pindar used to say. And // (348a) this translates 

the reading of certain texts which have Ri .cpes 

nortaliu,n and the meaning is that the hope that people 

have in God governs their will. But other texts read Et 

.cpes inimortalium and this means that the hope that people 

have of obtaining immortal rewards after death or the hope 

they place in the immortal gods control their will. And 

this conforms with the reading of certain texts in which 

lie says M'uitipIice;n voiuuiatem githernat which means that 

this hope determines many aspects of virtue and will. Now 

it seems from the above that Aristotle and Pindar thought 

that those who live righteously according to their best 

ability expect to receive for this a double reward or double 

recompense fromGod, one in the present time, namely a 

joyful heart and a peaceful conscience, and the other in 

future time, for which they live in hope. Aristotle touches 

upon this subject in Ethics IX, 5, when he says: Operatorum 

et en-inn deiectabiies nnemorie et futurorunt spes bone, 

meaning that the remembrance of good deeds accomplished 

is a delight and the hope of things to come is good. Thus 

he notes a double felicity, one present and the other future, 

in full agreement with Holy Scripture, which says: "Happy 

art thou, and it shall he well with thee" [Psalm 127: 2]. 

According to the gloss, this signifies that he is happy at 

present through grace and will be happy afterward through 

glory. And this double benefit or purpose concerns the 

soul. But he next mentions another purpose, involving 

the bodies of the married couple. 

T. But the second benefit to be derived from righteous 

living is that when they have conic to their old age 

they may be / (348b) fed or cared for affectionately by 

their children. 

C. That is, honorabl y and agreeably. For although Sons 

and daughters owe this to their parents and cannot recompense 

theni sufficiently, it is certain that they d this more 

willingly for their feeble parents in proporti rn as the latter 

have been mindful of their children when they were in 

their prime. Next lie suliiiniari zes and concudes.


T. Pour lesqueles choses ii est bien convenable que 

le honinie et sa femme considerent en propre et en 

coninlun. 

C. Car aucunes choses sunt propres au mari et aucunes 

lropres a la femme et aucunes communes as .ii. ou a toute 

Ia maison. 

T. Justement et a tous, tant as diex comme as 

hoinnies. 

C. En obeissant as lays divines et as lays humaines et 

en rendant a chescun ce qui est sien, selon le comniandenient 

de Dieu qui dit: Reddite que sunt Cesaris Cesari et 

que sunt Dei Deo. 

7'. Et appartient que le homme, tant 1 comme ii a 

vie, consiclere et pense moult de SOY avoir justement a 

sa femme et a ses filz et flues et a ses parens. 

C. En attribuant et faisant a chescun les honeurs et les 

biens que len lui doit faire, jouxte ce que fu dit ou quart 

chapitre. Et me semble que les textes sunt corrunipus en 

ceste partie ou est dit: Eurn qui habet vitani. Et n'i a pas 

bonne construction. // 

(348c) Cy fine le Livre de Ycononiique. Et ne est 

pas mestier de faire table des notables de si petit livre 

et souffist signer les en niarge. Et aussi tous les moz 

estranges de cest Iivre stint exposés en la glose de cest 

livre ou ii stint exposés en la table des fors rnoz de 

Politiqucs. 

I .iher iste Politicorum est Henrici Oresme, junioris 

canonici Baiocensis. 

T. For all these reasons it is indeed proper that 

husband and wife consider these matters as individuals 

and together. 

C. For certain matters are the proper concern of the 

husband and certain others are the proper concern of the 

wife, while some matters are common to both or to the 

entire household. 

T. With righteous attitudes towards all, both gods 

and men. 

G. Obeying divine and human laws, rendering to each 

—to God and to man—his due, according to God's command: 

"Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's 

and unto God the things that are God's" [Matt. 22: 21]. 

T. And it is the duty of the husband while he lives 

to reflect and think constantly how he may conduct himself 

righteously toward his wife, his sons and daughters, 

and his parents. 

C. Attributing and offering to each the honors and the 

rewards due them, as was stated in the fourth chapter. 

And it seems to me that the texts are corrupt in this passage, 

where the reading is eurn qü habct vitam. And 

there is no good explanation. // 

(348c) Here ends the Book of Economics. And it is 

unnecessary to draw up a list of notable passages in 

such a small book and it is sufficient to point them out 

in the margins. Also, all the unusual words in this 

book are explained in the glosses or in the alphabetical 

table of difficult words in the Book of Politics. 

This Book of Politics belongs to Henry Oresme, 

junior canon of Bayeux.

TEXTUAL EMENDATIONS AND VARIANT READINGS OF THE FRENCH TEXT 

Numbers indicate the folio and the superscript Arabic 

reference marks scattered through the text of Le Livre 

de Yconontique. 

SIGILLA 

A=Avranches, Bibi. Municipale, Ms. 223, if. 329a-348c. 

B = Paris, Bib]. Nat,, Ms. franc. 204, if. 326c-346c. 

C=Paris, BibI. Nat., Ms. franc. 9106, if. 358b-379a. 

Fol. 329b, 1-B tant seulement tant; 2-A su soit. 

329c, 1-A en tant comment homnie; 2-A famile; 

3-A omits est. 329d, 1-C communication. 330a, 1- 

A appelle. 330b, 1-Car la femme. . . . Politiques, 

marginal in A, C omits; 2-C Car. 330c, 1-A Geogiques. 

331a, 1-AC desire (vrer. 331d, 1-AC ii. 

332a, 1-A honimo; 2-Et le Sage ... xxxvi o, marginal 

in A, C omits. 332c, 1-A esset. 332d, 1-A fait un 

plus. 333d, 1-A courte. 334a, 1-A neccessaire; 2- 

A omits pas. 334c, 1-A omits qui . . . operatifs; 2-A 

es serf; 3-A filiis stultis. 334d, 1-A sers. 335b, 1- 

A cum dignus fructus trihuitur canidem viam capes 

sentibus spes paratur. 335c, 1-ABC B de Bruges 

(regularly thus in all russ. at each occurrence). 335d, 

1-A omits labeur. 336b, 1-B omits Et quant a la 

garde . . . que ii aime (336d). 336d, 1-AC labours de 

terres; 2-A omits les terres. 337a, 1-A omits par. 

337c, 1-AC omit pater . . . etc. 337d, I-A omits Ce; 

2-AC Et. 339a, 1-338cd are blank. 339b, 1-C la 

bonne femme. 339d, 1-A omits a; 2-A omits ou 

parnii l'ostcl. 340c, 1-A aucune; 2-A omits tant. 

848 

341b, 1-AItiste A1cesti, wife of Admetus=Anucti 

or Anutti in ABC. 341c, 1-A omits et . . . vie. 341d, 

1-B en Normandie; 2-A omits donqu.es Ic marl. 

342a, 1-A omits estre. 342b, 1-B entroduire; 2-A 

esrasa le ne nases an dens, C lui arracha le nes as dens. 

342c, 1-AC conqueruntur; 2-A sihi. 342d, 1-C 

lettre; 2-B l'en seime semence. 343b, 1-A quant ii 

espeuse de cest aneau te honeur etc. 343d, 1-A es; 

2-A stint nialves et iniques ne fussent semblables. 

344a, 1-A omits moult; 2-A et appeter. 344c, 1-A 

omits manieres et; 2-B son mari chalant, 345a, 1-A 

meulleur; 2-B femme se doit inonstrer tele comnie dit 

est; 3-A omits bonne. 345b, 1-A par d'autres sentences 

sages; 2-Original Latin: Metuendus et reverendus 

es mliii et terribilis, amatissime socer. 345c, 

1-A exede. 345d, 1-marginal in A, De quoy... intermerata 

procos; C omits; B omits Et Ovidius . . . procos; 

A reads: careret inter tam multos intermerata procos. 

A adds (lower margin, 346a): Et Job JO Tange, etc., 

nisi in faciem heneclixerit tibi. Original: Sed extende 

paululum manum tuam et tange cuncta quae possidet, 

nisi in faciem benedixerit tibi [Job I : 111. 347b, 1-A 

tenu asses parens. 347c, 1-B de son man. 348a, 

1-13 omits Et est a dire ... immortalium. 348b, 1-A 

omits tant. 

(We have omitted in this edition the lists of chapter 

headings which precede Book I on fol. 329a and Book II 

on fol. 339a, since these are identical with the chapter 

headings found in the text.)

THE PSEUDO-ARISTOTELIAN ECONOMICS IN 

THE LATIN VERSION MADE BY WILLIAM 

OF MOERBEKE (1267) 

LIBER I 1 

(A 329b) 1.— [ 1343a ] Oeconomica et politica (hffertint 

non soluni tantuni quantum dornus et civitas 

(haec quidem enirn subiecta sunt eis), verum etiam 

quoci politica quidem ex multis principahibus est, oecononlica 

vero monarchia. Aliquae quidem igitur artium 

dividuntur, et non est eiusdem facere et uti eo, quod 

fatum est, tit lyra et fistula: pohiticae autem est et polim 

ab initio construere et existente uti bene. (A 329d) 

Unde patet, quod oeconomicae sit construere dornum et 

uti ea. Civitas quidern igitur domorum multitudo est 

et loci et praediorum copia ad hene vivendum. Manifestuin 

enim est: quando non possunt hoc habere, dissolvitur 

et societas. Adhuc huius auteni gratia conveniunt 

: cuius vero gratia singulum est et factum est, 

et substantia eius est ipsuni existens. (A 330a) Ideo 

patet, qtiod prius oecononiica est politica. Ft enini 

opus: particula enim dornus civitatis est. Videndurn 

ergo de oecononiica, et quid opus ipsius. 

2.—Partes auteni doinus homo quidern let animal 

quaestus I et posseSSiO est. Cum autem primum in 

minimis natura cuiushibet rei reperiatur, et de domo 

quidein similiter habet, unde secundum Hesiodurn deceat 

esse domum quidern primo et uxoreni et bovern 

aratorem. Ahiud quidem enim nutritnenti prinium, 

ahiud vero liberoruin. (A 330b) Propter (1uod decet ea, 

quae stint de coniunctione uxoris hene ordinare: hoc 

autern est qualeni earn decet [esse] pracvidere. Possessionis 

I autetnj prima cura ea, quae secundum naturam: 

secundum autem naturam georgica prior, et secunda 

quaecunque de terra, Ut rnetahlica et quaecunque alia 

huiusrnodi. Georgica autem maxime, (A 330c) quoniam 

iusta (non enirn impie nec violenter, sicut bellice) 

insuper etiam et corum, quae secundum naturani [1343h I 

(natura enim a matre ntitritnentutn omnibus est, ideo 

et hominihus a terra) : (A 330d) ad haec et ad fortitudineni 

prodest niaxinie (non enim sicut fabriles corpora 

inutilia faciunt [vel debiliaj, veruni potentia foras 

pergere et laborare, amplius et potentia periclitare ad 

hostes, (A 331a) horum enirn solorum res extra hahitationern 

sunt). 

3.—Forum autem, quae circa honiines, prima cura de 

uxore. Communicatio enini ferninac et masculi natura 

maximc est. Dictum quideni enim nobis est in aliis, 

1 Reproduced from the printed edition by Franz Susemihi. 

Occonornicorusn, quac Aristoteli rulgo fribnunlur, libri pri,ni 

vetusia transTatio Latina, 7 pp., Berlin, 1870. The bracketed 

words and phrases represent variants admitted by Susemihl from 

an alternate copy; in general, these bracketed passages are 

omitted in Oresme's translation. The folio numbers in parentheses 

have been inserted by the present editor to indicate corresponding 

passages in the French translation. 

APPENDIX 

849 

quod multa talia natura cupit operari (A 331b) sicut et 

animalium singulum impossibile autem feminam sine 

masculo atit masculurn al)sque fernina efficere hoc, propter 

quod de necessitate ipsorurn communicatio consistit. 

In aliis quidem igitur aninialibus irrationabiliter hoc est, 

et quamdiu participant natura, tamdiu, et procreationis 

prolis tantum gratia, in domesticis autem et prudentiorihus 

directius magis (A 331d) (apparent enirn magis 

auxilia facta et amicitiae et cooperatores invicern), in 

honiine vero maxime, quod non solum esse, verum etiam 

hene esse cooperatores invicem femina et masculus sunt. 

(A 332b) Ft filiorum natura non propter ministerium 

naturae tantum, verurn [etiani j et utilitatein: ea enim, 

quae potentes ad impotentes fecerint, iteruni portant a 

potentibus in senio inipotentes. In hoc autern et natura 

replet hac periodo semper esse, (A 332c) cum per 

numerum non possit, sed per speciem: sic praeordinata 

est a deo utriusque natura, masculi et feminae, ad coinniunicationem. 

(A 332d) l)ictum est enirn eadem 

omnia utilem hahere virtutem, verum ahiqua contraria 

quidem, ad iclein tamdn cooperantia. Aliud quidern 

enini fortius, aliud vero debihius fecit, ut aliud quiclern 

magis custodiat prae tiniore, 11344a] aliud autem niagis 

uhciscatur prae fortitucline, et ahiud quidern acquirat ea 

quae de foris, aliud autem salvet ea quae intus: et ad 

operationern ahud quidein potens ac firmum esse, foras 

autem pergere inflrmuni [aut manere], aliud autern ad 

quietes quideni peius, ad motus autem sanuni: (A 333a) 

et de fihiis generationem quidern propriatn, utilitatetn 

auteni communem, let] horum quideni enini nutrire, 

horutu atitem est castigare. 

4.—(A 333b) Primo quidern igitur leges ad uxorem, 

lion iniustitiam facere : sic enim nec ipse iniustitiam 

patietur. Hoc docet etiam hex communis, sicut Pythagorici 

dicunt: (A 333c) tamquani famulam de ara 

ductam, nequaquam decet iniustitiarn facere. Iniustitia 

auteni virl coitus, cjui foris flunt. De homihia autem, 

neque sic, Ut egeant, neque sic etiani, tit absentibus 

nequeant abstincre, sed ita morigerare, ut sufficienter 

haheant praesente et absente. Bette etiain hahet et ihiud 

Hesiodi: (A 333d) "virgineni auteni clucere, ut honos 

mores (loceat :" (lissimilitudines enim morum nequaquam 

amabile. De ornatu autem, sicut nec mores decet 

elatos ad invicem propinquare, sic nec etiarn corpora. 

[Yam ilha que flunt per ornatuni nihil differunt ab histrionurn 

usu tragedias in scena agentium.] 

5.—(A 334a) Reruni autem primum quideni et necessariissimuni 

est quod optimum et l)ri!icipahissimuni 

[et] hoc autem est homo. Propter c1uod decet primo 

servos parare solhicitos. Servorum autein species duae, 

praepositus et lahorator. (A 334b) Cum autem videa- 

2 'Ibis sentence, mistranslated by Oresme (cf. Intro., p. 794), is 

inserted here from the Anonymous translation of 1300-1310; it 

is therefore not present in Susemihl's text.

850 LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE L)'ARISTOTE [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC. 

mus, quod clisciplinac quales aliquos faciant iuvenes, 

necesse et l)racparallduln nutrire, quibus lihera opera 

prohibenduni. (A 334c) Collucutio autem ad servos, 

neque iniuriari neque laxare, et bus quidem, qui rnagis 

lil)eri sunt, honorern dare, operariis autem [eti cibi 

multitudinein. (A 334d) Et quoniam potus vini et 

liberos iniuriosos efficit, et niultae gentcs abstinent 

etiam liberorum, Ut Carchedonii in exercitu, manifestum, 

quod huius [niodi] aut parum aut nihil dandum. 

Tribus autem existentihus, opere et poena et ciho, (A 

335a) non quidem punire neque operari, [1344b1 cibuin 

hahere iniuriosum facit, operas quidem habere et poenas, 

cibum autem non violcntuni, et dehilitatem facit. Decet 

igitur operas dare ci cihum sufficientein : nam sine 

mercede impossihile clominari, servo autern merces Cil)tIS. 

Sicut auteni ct [in] allis quando non fit mehoribus 

melius neque nierita virtutis et nialitiae, efficiuntur 

peiores, sic et circa servos. (A 335c) Propter quod 

debet fieri cleliheratio et tribuere etiam et relaxare 

singula, et cibuni et inclunientuni et otium et poenas, 

verbo et opere imitantes nicdicoruni virtuteni in ratione 

pharmaciae respicienicin, quia cihus non pharmacia 

propter consuetudinem. (A 335d) Genera autem sint 

ad operas optima quae neque meticulosa neque nimis 

fortia. Utraque enim laedunt : et enim niniis meticulosi 

non patiuntur et iracundi non hene subiciuntur. Oportet 

etiam et finem imponere omnibus lustum enim ct 

utile libertatem imponere meritum : volunt enim lahorare, 

quando meritum est eis et tempus definituni. 

Decet etiam forenses procreationes liherorum et non 

habere multos eiuscleni generis, sicut et in civitatihus, et 

sacrificia et voluptates maxiine propter servos ficri et 

non liberos, plura enitu hahent liii, cuius gratia huiusmodi 

statuta sunt. 

6.—(A 336a) Species autem occonomi quattuor, 

decet hahere circa res. Et enim quaerere possihile 

debet esse et custodire: (A 336b) sin auteni, nulla 

utilitas quaerere: exhaurire enim ethmo hoc est et 

lagcna quae dicitur rupta. Amplius autem esse ornatum 

et chresticum: propter haec enini illis egenius. Decet 

autern dividi horum singulum et plura fructifera esse 

non fructiferis, et operas sic dividi, Ut non pariter 

periclitentur omnibus. Ad custodiarn autem (A 336c) 

et Persianis expedit uti et Laconicis. Et Attica etiam 

dispensatio utilis: vendentes enim emunt. Et aulae 

etiam positio non est in parvioribus oeconomiis. Persiana 

autem erant oninia ordinare [1345a1 et onmia 

videre ipsum et quod Dion dicebat de Dionysio: 

nemo enini curat similiter aliena et propria, (A 336d) 

propter quod quaecunque contingit, per se fieri oportet 

curam. Et Persiani et Lybli proverbiuni hene habet: 

unus quideni enini interrogatus, qtiicl niagis equum 

inipinguat, "oculus domini" inquit, Lvbius autem interrogatlis, 

quale stcrcus optimum, "vestigia (lomini' ait. 

Videnduin ergo alia quidem ipsuni, alia vero uxoreni, 

tit utrisque dividi opera oeconomiae. (A 337a) Et hoc 

faciendum in parvis quidem oeconomiis raro, in curiis 

auteni pluries. Non enim possibile non hene ostendentern 

l)ene imitari nequc in aliis neque in epitropia. Impossihile 

enini non sollicitis (lolnims sollicitos esse 

prac)ositos. Quoniam autern haec et bona sunt ad 

virtutem et utilia ad oeconomiam, surgere oportet prius 

dominos servis et clorniire posterius, (A 337b) et num- 

(juaiii incustoditam (lornurn esse sicut et civitatern, 

(ItlaeclItlqtle decet facere, neque nocte neque die oniittere. 

Surgere quoque de nocte: hoc enini ad sanitatern et 

oeconoiniam et philosophiam utile. (A 337c) In 

parvis quidern igitur rebus Atticus niodus ordinationis 

victualiuin utilis : in Inagnis auteni divisis et hiis quac 

ad anntini et per mensem consurnendis, (A 337d) similiter 

etiam et de vasis et hiis quae cotidie et [in] bus 

quae raro, haec tradenduni praepositis. Insuper et 

visitationem comm per aliquod teinpus faciendum, tit 

non lateat quod salvum est et quod deest. (A 338a) 

Dornum etiam ad res respicienteni construendum et ad 

sanitatem et ad conservationern earuni. Dico autem 

rebus quideni, scilicet victualihus et indumento qualis 

expedit, et victualium qualis siccis et qualis humidis, et 

alioruiti qualis aniinatis [expedit] et servis et liberis Ct 

itiulieribus et viris et extraneis et civihus. Et ad conscrvationem 

et ad sanitatem decet esse eupnum acstate, 

cucliuni hierne. Sit etiani huiusmodi versus bomeam 

existens et non aequalitcr lata. (A 338b) Videtur etiam 

et in magnis oeconomus utilis esse ostiarius, qui sit 

inutilis aliis operibus, ad salutem corum, [1345b] quae 

ininiittuntur et cinittuntur. Ad bene usurn etiam vasorum 

Laconicum: oportet enini unumquodque in loco 

suo pOni: sic enim paratutii existens non quaeratur. 

LIBER I 

1.—(A 339b) Bonam mulierem eorum quae stint 

intus dominari oportet curam hahentern omnium secunduni 

scriptas leges, non permittenteni ingredi nullum, si 

non vir perceperit, timenteni praecipue verba forensium 

mulieruni ad corruptioneni animae. Et quae intus sihi 

contingunt ut sola sciat, (A 339c) et si quid sinistri ab 

ingredientibus fiat, vir hahet catisam. Dominam existenteni 

expensarum et sumptuun1 ad festivitates, quas 

quidem vir permiserit, expensis et vestimCnto ac apl)aratu 

niinori titenteni quani etiam leges civitatis praecipiunt, 

considerantem quoniani nec quaestus vestimentorum 

differens forma nec auri multitudo tanta est ad 

mulieris virtutem quanta modestia in quolibet opere et 

(lesideriuni honestae atque compositae vitae. (A 339d) 

Etenini quilihet talis ornatus et elatio animi est et rnulto 

certius ad senectuteni iustas laudes sibi filiisque tnbuendo. 

Taliurn ciuidem igitur ipsa se inanirnet mulier 

Chapter 7 of Orcsme's translation begins here. 

Reproduced from the printed edition by Franz Susemihi. 

AristofcU.c quac feruntur Oecono,nica, Leipzig, Teubner, 1887, 

even-numbered pages 40-58. In this edition, odd-numbered 

pages 41-39, Susentihl gives the text of the anonymous transla - 

tion of 1300-1310, the pertinent textual passages from the Scholia 

by Ferrandus de Hispania and variant readings from several 

copies of all three texts. We have renumbered the chapters to 

correspond to the divisions in the French text.

VOL. 47, PT. 5, 19571 LATIN VERSION BY WILLIAM OF MOERBENE 851 

composite clominari (indecens enim viro videtur scire 

quae intus aunt) : in ceteris auteni omnibus viro Parere 

ititendat nee quicquam civilium audiens nee aliquid de 

hiis quae (A 340a) ad nuptias spectare videntur velit 

peragere. Sed cum tenipus exigit proprios fihios fihiasve 

foras tradere ant recipere, tune autem pareat quoque 

viro in omnibus et simul deliheret et oboediat, si ille 

praeceperit, arl)itrans non ita viro esse turpe eorum 

(juac domi stint quiccuarn peragere sicut mulieri quae 

foris stint perqtIirere. 

2.—Sed arbitrari decet vere compositam mulicreui 

viri mores vitae suac legem imponi, (A 340b) a deo 

Sil)i impositos, cum nuptus et fortuna coniunctos, quos 

equideni Si patienter et liuniiliter ferat, facile reget 

domum, si vero non, difficilius. Prol)ter quae decet non 

solum cum contingit virum ad rerum esse prosperitatein 

et act aliam gloriam, unaflinleni esse ac iuxta velic 

servire, verum etiam in aciversitatihus. Si quid autem 

in rebus decrit vel ad corporis aegritudinein (A 340c) 

aut ad ignorantiam animae esse manifestam, dicat 

quoque semper optima et in decentibus obsequatur, 

praeterquani turpe quidern agere alit sibi non dignuni, 

vet memorem esse, si quid vir animae passione ad 

ipsam peccaverit, de nihilo conqueratur quasi illo hoc 

peragente, sed hacc omnia aegritudinis ac ignorantiae 

Ionere et accicientiuni peccatortim. Quantum enim in 

bus (jills cliligentius obsequctur, tanto maiorem gratiani 

habebit qui curatus extiterit, cum al) aegritudine fuerit 

liberatus (A 340d) et Si quid ci iubenti non hetie 

habentium non paruerit muller, multo niagis sentict a 

niorbo curatus. Propter quae (lecet tiniere huiusmodi, 

in atiis autem multo diligentius ol)sequi, quam Si empta 

venisset ad domum : magno enim prctio elupta fuit, 

socictate namquc vitae et procreatione iiberorum quihus 

nil maius nee sanctius fleret. A(lhuc insuper si quideui 

cum felici viro vixisset, (A 341a) non quoque siniiiiter 

fieret divuigata. Et quidem non modicum est uti betie 

prosperitate et non hutuiliter, verum etiam adversitatem 

hene sufferre multo magis merito honoratur: flaw in 

multis iniuriis et doborihus esse et nihil turpe peragere 

fortis animi est. Orare quidem igitur clecet in adversitatem 

virum non pervenire, Si vero qwcquam mali 

sibi contingat, arbitrari huic optimam laudem esse sobriae 

mulieris, (A 341b) existimantem quoniam nee 

Alcestis tantam acquireret sibi gioriani nee Penelope 

tot et tantas taudes meruisset, si cum felicibus viris 

vixissent: nunc autem Admeti et Ulixis adversitates 

paraverunt eis memoriam inimortalem. Factae enim in 

malis fidetes et iustae viris, a this nee immerito stint 

honoratae. Prosperitatis quidem enim facile invenire 

participantes, adversitati vero nolunt communicare non 

optimae niulierum. Propter qua omnia decet niulto 

magis honorare virum et in verecundia non habere, si 

sacra pudicitia et opes anirnositatis fihius secundum 

Herculem non sequantur. (A 341c) Mulierem quidem 

ergo in quociani tali t ypo leguni et niorum oportet se 

custodire. 

3.---Vir at item leges a siniilibus adinveniat uxoris in 

usutu, quoniam tamquam socia filiorum et vitae ad 

domum viri devenit, (A 341d) rclinquens flhios genitorum 

viri et sui nomina hal)ituros. Quihus quid 

sanctius fieret aut circa quae niagis yin sanae mentis 

studebit quam ex optima et pretiosissima muliere Iiheros 

procreare senectutis pastores quasi optimos et 

pudicos patriS ac niatnis custodes ac totius douius conservatores 

: (A 342a) quoniam educati quippe recte a 

patre et matre sancte atque itiste ipsis utentluin quasi 

nierito 1)0w lient, hoc auteni non obtinentes patientur 

defectum. (A 342b) Exemplum enim vitae flhiis nisi 

parentes dedenint, puram et excusabileni causam adinvicem 

hahere poterunt. Timor ((juc) ne contempti a 

flliis, cum non benc viverent, ad ititeritum ipsis erunt. 

(A 342c) Propter civae enini nihil decet omittere ad 

uxoris doctninam, Ut iuxta pOSSC quasi ex OptifihiS iiberos 

valeant Procreare. Etenim agricola nihii omittit 

studenclo, lit ad optimaiii terram et niaxinic betic cultam 

semen consumere, expectans ita optimum sihi fructum 

fieri, et vult pro ea, tit devastani non possit, S1 SIC 

contigerit, mori cum inimicis pugnando : et huiusmodi 

mors maxitue honoratur. Ubi autem tantum studium 

fit p° corporis csca, (A 342d) ad quam animae semen 

consumitur, quid si pro suis liheris matre atquc ntitrice 

nonne omne studium est faciendum? Hoc enim solo 

onine mortale semper factum immortalitatis participat, 

(A 343a) et omnes l)etitioticS ac orationes divuin permanent 

paternoruin. (A 343b) Unde qui contemnit hoc, 

et deos videtur neglegere. Propter deos itaque, coram 

quibus sacra mactavit et uxorem duxit, et mubto niagis 

se post parentes uxoni tradidit ad honoreni. 

4.—Maximus autem honor sohniae mulieri, si videt 

virum suitiii ol>scrvantem sibi castitatern et de nulla alia 

muliere curaiii niagis habenteni, (A 343c) sed prae 

ceteris omnibus propriani et amicam et fidelem [sibi] 

existimantem. Tanto etiam magis studehit se talem 

esse mulier : Si cognovenit ficleliter atque iuste ad se 

virum amabilem esse, et ipsa circa virum iuste ficlelis 

erit. Ergo pnticletitetii ignorare non decet nee parentum 

qui sui honores stint nee qui uxori et flhiis proprii et 

decentes, Ut triliucns unicui(ltic quac sua stint iUStuS et 

sanctus fiat. Muito enini maxime graviter quisque fert 

honore silo pnivatus, nee etiam Si alioruin quis niulta 

dedenit propria auferendo, iil)cfltcr acceperit. Nihil 

quoque maius nee propius eSt uxoni ad virum quam 

societas honorabilis et fidelis. (A 343d) Propter civae 

non decet hominem sanae mentis Ut ubicunque contingit 

ponere semen suurn, nee ad quaiemcunque accessenit, 

proprium imniittere semen, tit non degenenihus et 

iniquis similia libenis legitimis Iiant, et quideni tixor 

honore sun privetur, fluiis vero opprobrium adiungatun. 

(A 344a) Dc bus ergo omnibus reverentia vuro debetur. 

5.—Appropinquare vero decet eius uxori cum honestate 

et cum muita modestia et timore, dando verha 

coniunctionis ems, qui bene iiahet, ac liciti opens et 

honesti, multa modestia et fide utendo, parva quidcni et

F 


spontanea rernittendo peccata: (A 344b) et si quid 

autem per ignorantiam deliquerit, nioneat nec metum 

incutiat sine verecunclia et pudore. Nec etiani sit 

neglegens nec severus, (A 344c) Tails quidern enim 

passio meretricis (ad) adulterum est, cum verecundia 

autern et pudore aequaliter diligere et timere (A 344d) 

liberae nuilieris ad lropriuln virum est. Duplex enim 

tirnoris species est: alia quidem fit cum verecundia et 

puciore, qua utuntur ad patres filii sobrii et honesti et 

cives compositi ad benignos rectores, alia vero cum 

itlimicitia et odio, sicut servi ad dominos et cives ad 

tyrannos iniuriosos et Iniquos. Ex hiis quoque omnibus 

eiigens meliora, uxorem sibi concordem et ficieiem et 

propriani facere decet, Ut praesente viro et non, utatur 

setnper non minus (A 345a) ac si praesens adesset, ut 

taniquam rerum communium curatores, et quando vir 

abest Ut sentiat uxor, quod nulius sibi melior nec modestior 

nec magis proprius viro suo. Et ostendet hoc 

in principio ad commune bonum seniper respiciens, 

quamvis novitia sit in talihus. Et Si ipse sibi maxime 

dominetur, optimus totius vitae rector existet et uxorem 

talihus uti docebit. 

6.—(A 345b) Nam nec amicitiam nec tiniorern absque 

pudore nequaquam honoravit Homerus, sed ubique 

arnare praecepit cum modestia et pudore, timere autem 

sicut Helena ait dicens Priamum: 'metuendus et roverendus 

es niihi et terribilis, aniatissime socer,' nil aliud 

dicens quam cum tirnore ipsum diligerc ac pudore. Et 

rursus Ulixes ad Nausicaam dicit hoc: 'te, mulier, 

valde miror et tiineo.' (A 345c) Arbitratur enirn ITonierus 

sic ad inviceni virurn et uxorem hahere putans 

ambos hene fieri taliter se habentes. Nemo enim diiigit 

nec miratur unquarn peiorern nec timet etiam cum 

pudore, sed huiustnodi passiones contingunt ad invicern 

meliorihus et natura benignis, minorihus tamen scientia 

ad so meiiores. Hunc habitum Ulixes ad Penelopen 

hahens in absentia nil deliquit, (A 345d) Agamemnon 

autem propter Chryseidem ad eius uxorem peccavit, in 

ecciesia dicens mulierern captivam et non honarn, immo 

Ut dicam harbaram, in nullo deficere in virtutibus 

Ciytaernnestrae, non bene quidem, ex se liheros hahente, 

neque iuste cohabitare usus est. Qualiter enim iuste, 

qui antequam sciret, iilam, qualis fieret erga se, nuper 

per violentiam duxit? Ulixes autern rogante ipsum 

Atlantis fiuia sibi cohabitare et prornittente semper 

facere irnmortaiem, nec Ut fieret immortalis prodere 

praesumpsit uxoris affecturn et diiectionem et fidem, 

(A 346a) maximam arbitrans poenam suarn fieri, Si 

malus existens immortalitatem mereatur habere. Nam 

fri 0' 

\pl 

/ 

cum Circe iacere noluit nisi propter amicorum salutem, 

(A 346b) immo respondit ci, quod nihil dulcius eius 

patria posset videri quarnvis aspera existente, Ct oravit 

Ina-is mortalem uxorem fiuiurnque videre quam vivere: 

(A 346c) sic firmiter in uxorem fidem suam servabat. 

Pro quibus recipiebat aequaiiter ab uxore. 

7.—Patet etiam et actor in oratione Ulixes ad Nausicaam 

honorare maxirne viri et uxonis cum nuptiis pudicam 

societatem. Oravit enim deos sibi dare viruni et 

domuni et unanirnitatem optatarn ad virum, non quamcunque, 

sed bonani. Nihil enim malus bonum ipsa in 

hominibus ait esse, quarn cum concordes vir et uxor in 

voluntatibus domum regunt. Hinc patet rursus, (A 

346d) quod non iaudat unaninhitatern ad invicem, quac 

circa prava servitia fit, sed earn quae anirno et prudentia 

iuste coniuncta est: narn voluntatibus domum regere id 

significat. Et iteruni clicens quia cum huiusniodi dilectio 

fit, multae quidern tristitiae ininhicis fiunt, in ipSiS 

arnicis vero gaudia muita, et maxime audiunt ipsum 

sicut vera dicentem. Nam viro et uxore circa optima 

concorditer existentibus necesse et utriusque amicos 

sibi ad invicem concordare, deinde fortes existentes esse 

ternihiles (A 347a) inimicis, suis autem utiles: hiis vero 

discordantibus different et amici, deinde vero infirnios 

esse tihaxime ipsos huiusiuocii sentire. In istis auteni 

manifesto praecipit actor ca ciuidem quac prava et 

impudica, invicem inhibere, ea vero quae itixta posse et 

pudica et iusta sunt, indifferenter sibimet ipsis servire. 

8.—Studentes prinio quidem curarn parenturn habere, 

(A 347b) yin quidem eorum qui sunt uxoris non minus 

cjuam suorum, uxor vero corurn qui stint yin. Deinde 

fiuiorum et amicorum et reruni et totius (lomus tamquam 

comniunis curain haheant, coliuctantes ad inviceni, Ut 

plurium bonorum ad commune uterque causa fiat et 

melior atque iustior, ditnittens quidem superbiam, regens 

autem recte et hahens humilem moduni et mansueturn, 

(A 347c) tit cum ad senectutem venerint, iiberati 

a heneficio multaque cura et concupisccntiarurn et voluptatutn, 

quae interdurn fiunt in iuventute, haheant invicern 

et fihiis respondere, titer eorum ad domum pluniuni 

bonorum rector factus est, et statim scire aut per 

fortunani malum aut per virtutem bonum. In ((Uibus 

qui vicerit, maximum meritum a this consequitur, (A 

347d) itt Pindarus ait: duice enim sibi cor et spes 

mortaiium niuitiplicem voiuntatemn gubernat, secundum 

autem (A 348b) a fiiiis feliciter ad senectutern depasci. 

Propter quac proprie et communiter decet iuste considerantes 

ad omnes cleos et homines eum qui vitam 

habet et multurn ad suani uxorem et fihios et parentes.

Adam, 341c 

Aifrique, 345d 

Agamcnoii, 345d 

Altiste, 341b 

Anejen Testament, 336a 

Anucti (Admetus), 341b 

Apocalypse, 347d 

Apostle (Paul), 332a, 334a 

Appulle, 336c 

Aristote, 329a, 332c, 333c, 335a, 336a, 

337d, 339b, 340a, 341ac, 344a, 345b, 

346a, 347d, 348a 

Art d'a,ner, 333a 

Athenes, 336c 

Athias, 345d, 346b 

Attique, 336b, 338b 

Augustin (Saint), 346ab 

Baioccnsis, 348c 

Barthelemy de Bruges, 335c, 342hd 

Calabre, 336c 

Calcedone, 334d 

Cesar, 348b 

Circe, 346a 

Cite de Dieu, 346a 

Cleomestra, 345d 

College de Saincte Eglise, 335c 

Cryseis, 345c1 

Digestes, 331b, 332b 

Doctrina metrificandi, 345d 

Dyon, 336c 

Dyonisius, 336c 

Ecciesiasticus, 332a 

Eglon (roy), 338a 

Encas, 343a 

Eneyde, 343a 

INDEX TO PROPER NAMES IN LE LIVRE DE YCONOMIQUE 

Numbers refer to folio-columns 

Escripture (Saincte), 330c, 331b, 332ac, 

333abc, 334d, 335a, 337b, 338ab, 339d, 

341abcd, 342ah, 344d, 346c, 347d, 348a 

Esopus, 337c 

Esyodus, 330a, 333c 

Ethiqies, 331d, 334c, 335ab, 337ad, 341a, 

342a, 343c, 346d, 347a, 348a 

Evangile, 342d 

Eve, 341c 

(;eorgiqies, 330cd 

(;rccc (Grande), 336c 

Helene, 345b 

Hercules, 341bc 

Tiomerus, 345bc, 346acd, 347a 

Hostiarius, 331) 

Israel, 336a 

Jacob, 332a 

Jherusalem, 338a 

Job, 340c, 341a, 345d 

Jonathas, 332a 

Laconic, 336c 

Libye, 336d 

Libyen, 336d 

Livre de generation ci corruption, 331a 

Livre de la generation des bestes, 331a 

Livre de Fame, 331ab, 332c 

Livre des Rays, 332a 

Matheus de Vindecino, 345d 

Maximian, 347d 

Menelaus, 345b 

)tfethaphysique, 347d 

Nausique, 345bc, 346c 

Normandie, 341d 

853 /J 

Ordre de Saincte Eglise, 338a 

Oresme, Henricus, 348c 

Orpheus, 341c 

Ovide, 330c, 331c, 333a, 345d 

Paris, 345b 

Penelope, 341b, 345cd 

Perse, 336c 

Perseus, 336c 

Persian, 336d 

Philosophe (Aristote), 332c 

Pindarus, 347d, 348a 

Plinius, 330d, 332a 

Politiqucs, 329bcd, 330bcd, 331c. 332a, 

333c, 334ah, 336and, 337d, 339d, 340d, 

341a, 342cd, 348c 

Priamus, 345h 

Prophete (David), 3351), 347d 

Pythagoras, 333bc 

Rachel, 332a 

Ricart, 341d 

Roger, 341d 

Sage (Salemon), 332a, 333a, 334cd, 3351)c, 

336a, 337acd, 340c, 341ac, 342ab, 344bd 

Syniacus, 335b 

Tiiobie, 341a, 345d 

Thomas de Canthorbie (Saint), 335b 

Troyc, 345bd 

Tulles, 341b, 346c 

Ulixes, Uxiles, 341b, 345bcd, 346abc 

Victruvius, 336c 

Virgile, 330cd, 343a, 345b 

Yconomique, 329a, 339a, 348c 

Ytalie, 336c

4P Li gç(' TRANSACTIONS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?